LIFE 

AND 

PUBLIC      SERVICES 

OF 

GROVER  CLEVELAND 

TWENTY-SECOND   PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

AND  DEMOCRATIC  NOMINEE  FOR 

RE-ELECTION  IN  1892. 


WITH   A   SKETCH  OP 


THE  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

OF 

ADLAI  E.  STEVENSON 

NOMINEE  FOR  THE  VICE-PRESIDENCY. 


BY  W.  U.  HENSEL, 

ATTORNEY-GENERAL  ov  Pfe>lNSYt,vANiA. 


PROFUSELY    ILLUSTRATED 


EDGEWOOD     PUBLISHING     COMPANY 


CorYKU.lll,    lSy2,    UY   J.    J-'k.V.K     I   KALE,  JR. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


LIFE    OF    GROVER    CLEVELAND. 

PAGE. 

CHAPTER      I.  Parentage,  Early  Life,  and  Education 2! 

"  II.  His  Career  at  the  Buffalo  Bar 32 

"         III.  The  Mayoralty  and  Municipal  Reform 40 

"          IV.  The  Democratic  Canvass  for  Governor  in  N.  Y.,  in  1882     52 

"  V    First  Year  as  Governor.... A. 61 

"          VI.  Second  Year  as  Governor 74 

"        VII.  Canvass  and  Convention  of  '84 : 93 

"      VIII.  Cleveland-Elaine  Presidential   Campaign 99 

"          IX.  Preparing  for  the  New  Administration 

"  X.  The  Inauguration I32 

"          XL  The  President  and  Congress 161 

"        XII.  Courtship  and  Marriage 180 

"      XIII.  The  President's  Tours 202 

"       XIV.  Tour  to  the  South  and  West 224 

XV.  The  Veto  Power 241 

"       XVI.  Democratic  Tariff  Reform 268 

"     XVII.  Convention  of  1888 287 

"  XVIII.  The  1888  Election  Campaign 295 

«      XIX.  The   End  of  the  Century 3°4 

XX.  In  Private  Life 3l8 

"      XXL  National  Convention  of  1892 333 


LIFE  OF  ADLAI   E.  STEVENSON. 

CHAPTER  I.  The  Office  of  Vice-President 351 

"       II.  Early  Days  in  Business  Life 359 

"      III.  Political  Career 367 

"      IV.  Domestic  Life  379 


PAGE. 


'/.//>•//  TENTS. 

1'KIV  II'LES  OF  THE   DEMOCRATIC  PARTY. 

CHAJTKR  I.  The  Principles  of  Washington 3^5 

II.     •  «•        «    Jefferson 39° 

•4      HI       •  "         "     Madison .- 393 

'       IV.     -  "         "    Jackson 396 

V      ••  «•        «    Tilden 403 

\  i      ••  «        «    Tariff  Reform -•••  411 

LIVES  OF  ALL  THE   PRESIDENTS. 

GBOEGK  \VAMIIN<;H»N 439 

JOHN  ADAMN 451 

•s 455 

JAMES  MAI-I> -»N .- 401 

464 

JOHN  QUINCY  AI>\M  468 

AM.KIW  J  \.  K->N 472 

hs 479 

\Vii.i.i\\i    HINKV    i!\Kk:M)N 482 

I..IIN    1  '\  :  i  K 486 

K 49° 

R 494 

Mii.i.AkD    I  :  499 

Ik  \NKI  is  PIKK«  i 503 

HUCHANAN 506 

AHRAHAM  I  moOU 511 

A^I.K^\\    I 519 

ULYSSES  S.  <.R\M 522 

t    IJURIOKI.    1'.      H\YKS 530 

JAMES  A.  GARHMD 532 

;  K»  A.  ARTMIR 537 

BENJAMIN   HARRISON 541 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAGE. 

GROVER  CLEVELAND,  (Steel) Frontispiece. 

STATE  STREET  AND  CAPITOL,  Albany,  N.  Y 52 

GOVERNOR'S  MANSION,  "         «    66 

GOVERNOR'S  ROOM  IN  STATE  CAPITOL 84 

SOUTH  FRONT,  WHITE  HOUSE 90 

HON.  JOHN  M.  PALMER  (Half-tone) 100 

DEMOCRATIC  NOMINATING  CONVENTION  OF  1884 108 

GOVERNOR  ROSWELL  P.  FLOWER 116 

EAST  FRONT  OF  CAPITOL,  Washington 120 

STARTING  FOR  THE  INAUGURATION 132 

THOMAS  F.  BAYARD 138 

AUGUSTUS  H.  GARLAND 142 

WILLIAM  C.  WHITNEY 146 

W.  C.  ENDICOTT 150 

WILLIAM  F.  VILAS 154 

THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS 158 

SAMUEL  J.  TILDEN 158 

L.  Q.  C.  LAMAR i;6 

MRS.  GROVER  CLEVELAND 184 

PRESIDENT  CLEVELAND'S  WEDDING.... 19° 

ROSE  E.  CLEVELAND •*• *94 

REV.  BYRON  SUNDERLAND,  D.  D 194 

THE  STATE  DINING  ROOM X98 

THE  EAST  ROOM *98 

Gov.  ROBERT  E.  PATTISON 2I5 

GREETING  AT  THE  RAILROAD  STATION 224 

EX-GOVERNOR  CAMPBELL 23° 

CHIEF- JUSTICE  FULLER 284 


LIST  01-  II  I  T IONS. 

PAGK 

SFN.  WALK   i  3°° 

\\i    I..  \Vii.M.N 316 

M     M.    Sl'KIN.-.l'K   332 

.Halftone) 349 

M-Mn:\  366 

382 

HON.  W.  R.  Moki  398 

CHARI  i.i'.f  tone) 414 

AKIHIK   I'.  C.OKMAN       "          430 

P.GftAl         ••          434 

Y  WATTF.K     N  452 

Gov.  HORA  "         ;.". 468 

"         484 

I'..  HII.I.  500 

-     II  I  \M     I  516 


CHAPTER  I. 

PARENTAGE,  EARLY    LIFE,    AND    EDUCATION. 

G ROVER  CLEVELAND  was  born  at  Cald- 
well,  Essex  County,  N.  J.,  on  the  i8th 
day  of  March,  1837.  His  father,  Richard 
F.  Cleveland,  was  a  Presbyterian  minister,  the 
son  of  William  Cleveland,  a  watchmaker,  who 
lived  at  Norwich,  Conn.  His  mother  was  Anna 
N^al,  the  daughter  of  an  Irishman,  a  bookseller 
and  publisher  in  Baltimore,  Md.,  who  had  married 
Barbara  Real,  a  German  Quakeress,  of  German- 
town,  Pa.  The  child  who  has  become  President 
of  the  United  States  was  baptized  in  infancy  Ste 
phen  Grover,  the  name  of  his  father's  predecessor 
in  the  Caldwell  pastorate,  but  early  in  life  young 
Cleveland  dropped  the  first  name. 

In  1841  the  Rev.  Richard  F.  Cleveland  moved  to 
Fayetteville,  Onondaga  County,  N.  Y.  The  fam 
ily  lived  there  nine  years  and  then  removed  to 
Clinton,  Oneida  County,  and  in  1853  to  Holland 
Patent,  a  small  village  fifteen  miles  north  of  Utica. 
Three  weeks  after  he  began  his  ministry  here  he 
died,  leaving  a  widow  and  nine  children,  of  whom 
Grover  was  the  third. 

The  mother  upon  whom  this  sudden  responsi 
bility  had  fallen  was  a  woman  of  dignified  appear 
ance,  with  a  kindly  face  and  unusual  strength  of 


21 


22  /,//-/:  OF  GFOVRR  CLEVELAND. 

character.  She  c<  >mbined  tlic  traits  of  her  Irish  and 
dermaii  ancestors.  She  lived  to  rear  and  educate 
her  large  family  and  died  in  April,  1882.  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Cleveland  are  buried  in  the  cemetery  at 
Holland  Patent.  Their  children  have  erected  a 
monument  to  mark  their  graves  It  bears  the 
tullowin"-  inscriptions: 

Rev.  K.  F.  CLEVELAND, 
Pastor  at 

Holland  Patent, 

Died  Oct.  i,  1853 

Aged  49  years. 

ANNA  NEAL, 

Wife  of 

R.  F.  Cleveland, 

1  July  10,  1882, 

Aged  78  years. 

Her  children  arise  up 

And  call  her  blessed. 

Grover   had    received    such    teaching    as    the 

country  schools  could  furnish.  But  his  father's 
narrow  means  compelled  him  to  earn  his  living  as 
soon  as  possible,  and  when  he  was  fourteen  years 
of  a^e  he  became  a  clerk  in  a  country  store  at 
ba\  riteville.  llis  salary  the  first  year  was  fifty 
dollars,  and  he  was  to  have  one  hundred  dollars 
the  second  year.  The  removal  of  the  family  to 
Clinton  -ave  Grover  an  opportunity  to  attend  the 
!emy  then-,  and  he  left  Fayetteville  before  the 
end  of  the  sc«»nd  year.  At  Clinton  he  pursued 
tlie  usual  preparatory  studies,  intending  to  enter 


PARENTAGE,  EARL  Y  LIFE,  AND  EDUCATION.   $  * 

O 

Hamilton  College.  But  his  father's  death  shut 
him  out  of  college  and  compelled  him  to  begin  the 
struggle  of  life.  He  was  then  seventeen  years 
old. 

His  elder  brother  William  had  found  employ- 
ment  as  a  teacher  in  the  New  York  Institution  for 
the  Blind,  which  is  situated  on  Ninth  Avenue 
between  Thirty-third  and  Thirty-fourth  streets. 
In  October,  1853,  William  was  appointed  princi 
pal  in  the  male  department,  and  about  the  same 
time  Grover  was  appointed  his  assistant.  The 
pupils  were  taught  orally,  there  being  at  that  time 
few  text-books  which  could  be  read  by  the  sense 
of  touch.  Grover  remained  at  the  institution  a 
little  more  than  a  year.  He  passed  the  winter 
of  1854-5  at  his  mother's  house  in  Holland  Patent. 
This  was  the  last  of  his  home  life.  A  neighbor, 
the  late  Ingham  Townsend,  who  had  become 
interested  in  the  youth,  proposed  to  him  that  he 
should  enter  college  with  a  view  of  making  the 
ministry  his  profession,  but  the  young  man's  mind 
was  already  fixed  upon  the  law,  and  declining  his 
friend's  offer,  he  asked  him  for  a  loan  of  twenty- 
five  dollars,  to  carry  him  to  Cleveland,  Ohio,  where 
he  hoped  for  employment  in  a  lawyer's  office. 
On  his  way  west  he  stopped  in  Buffalo  to  visit  his 
uncle,  Lewis  F.  Allen.  Mr.  Allen,  who  is  still 
living  at  an  advanced  age,  was  one  of  the  most 
influential  citizens  of  Buffalo.  He  was  the  owner 
of  a  large  farm  on  Grand  Island,  in  the  Niagara 


24  LIFE  or  (JKOl'ER  CLEVELAND. 

river,  where  he  had  a  herd  of  short-horn  cattle, 
ami  lived  at  I  Mark  Rock,  formerly  a  separate 
town,  but  which  had  been  lately  annexed  to 
Buffalo.  Mr.  Allen's 'house  is  pleasantly  situated 
on  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  in  the  midst  of  con- 
sidcrablc  grounds.  It  is  an  ample  old-fashioned 
brick  building  and  was  built  by  General  Peter  B. 
Porter,  who  lived  there  for  many  years.  Abroad 
hall  runs  from  the  front  door  to  the  western 
pia/za,  which  commands  a  wide  view  of  the 
Niagara  and  the  Canadian  shore.  A  mile  or  two 
to  the  north-west  are  the  ruins  of  Fort  Erie, 
the  scene  of  desperate  fighting  during  the  War  of . 
i  Si  2.  in  which  General  Porter  had  been  greatly 
distinguished.  At  this  point  the  river  is  an  inter 
esting  sight.  It  sweeps  by  with  a  current  ot 
between  six  and  seven  miles  an  hour  and  its  broad 

a  surt'in  v  ked  with  foam  and  broken  by 

It  is  not  difficult  for  one  who 

looks  upon  the  tumultuous  river  and  listens  to  its 

p  voice  to  imagine  that  it  feels  some  premoni 
tion  ot   the  agony  which  awaits  it  below.     Grover 
.inger  to   his   uncle's  hospitable    roof. 
lie   hail   made   frequent    visits    there    during  his 
L      lie  told  Mr.  Allen  of  his  intention  to 
go   to   Cleveland   and    study  law.      But  his  uncle 
strongly  advised  him  to  remain  in  Buffalo.     The 

:ig  man  hail  no  acquaintances  in  Cleveland, 
while  Mr.  Allen  kn-  w  all  the  principal  people  in 
Buffalo  and  held  close  and  friendly  relations  with 


PARENTAGE,  EARL  Y  LIFE,  AND  EDUCATION.     25 

them.  Mr.  Allen  had,  not  long  before,  begun  the 
compilation  of  the  ''Short-horn  Herd  Book,"  and 
he  proposed  that  Grover  should  assist  him,  offering 
him  compensation  and  a  comfortable  home.  In 
the  autumn,  on  Mr.  Allen's  application,  Grover 
entered  the  law  office  of  Henry  W.  Rogers  and 
Denis  Bowen,  who,  under  the  firm  name  of  Rogers 
&  Bowen,  did  a  large  business  at  the  bar  of 
Erie  County.  Thus  began  Grover  Cleveland's 
life  in  Buffalo. 

It  may  be  well  enough  to  consider  his  surround 
ings.  Buffalo  was  then  a  city  with  about  one 
hundred  thousand  inhabitants.  It  was  a  com 
mercial  and  manufacturing  community,  and  held 
in  its  control  the  lake  commerce,  then  growing 
into  great  dimensions.  There  were  many  notable 
men  among  its  citizens.  Mr.  Fillmore  had  two 
years  before  left  the  Presidency  and  returned  to 
live  there.  His  neighbor,  Nathan  K.  Hall,  who 
had  served  in  his  cabinet  as  Postmaster-General, 
was  United  States  Judge  of  the  Northern  District 
of  New  York.  Solomon  G.  Haven,  a  lawyer  of 
remarkable  talent,  then  a  member  of  Congress, 
was  the  leader  of  the  bar.  Retired  from  his  pro 
fession  and  from  politics  was  Albert  H.  Tracy, 
who  may  be  described  as  the  most  interesting 
and  distinguished  figure  in  Buffalo  at  that  time. 
He  had  been  chosen  to  Congress  before  he.  was 
old  enough  to  take  his  seat,  and  had  served  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  during  the  admin- 


26  LIFE  OF  GKOrF.X 

> 

M  rations  of  Monroe  and  John  Quincy  Adams, 
he  had  been  for  eight  years  in  the  State  Senate  ; 
and  in  the  Court  of  Errors  he  had  won  a  judicial 
reputation,  hardly  inferior  to  any  in  the  history  of 
the  State.  He  had  acted  both  with  the  Whig  and 
the  Democratic  parties.  But  it  was  his  misfortune 
to  be  out  of  relation,  in  both  instances,  with  the 
leader  of  his  parties.  He  despised  Jackson,  and 
disliked  Clay.  He  had  assisted  Seward,  Weed, 
and  Fillmore  to  create  the  Whig  party,  and  left  it 
in  1X40,  in  the  hour  of  its  triumph.  Mr.  Webster 
tried  to  persuade  him  into  Tyler's  cabinet  with 
the  offer  of  the  Treasury  Department,  but  he 
drilini-d,  preferring,  doubtless,  to  retain  his  Dem 
ocratic  associations  which  the  acceptance  of  Mr. 
Webster's  offer  would  have  broken.  Mr.  Tracy 
never  held  office  afterwards.  He  devoted  so 
much  of  his  time  as  was  necessary  to  the  care  of 
his  estate,  but  gave  himself  chiefly  to  reading  and 
the  society  of  those  who  interested  him.  Mr. 
Trac\  exercised  a  great  influence  over  all  young 
men  who  came  within  his  reach,  and  it  is  impos 
sible  to  speak  of  Buffalo  at  that  time  without 
recalling  his  gracious  presence,  his  kindly  counsels 
and  his  delightful  and  instructive  conversation. 
Mr.  Allen  was  one  of  Mr.  Tracy's  intimate 
friends  and  the  nephew  was  soon  taken  to  the 

cy  house. 

The  gentlemen  who  made  the  firm  of  Rogers 
\:    I'.owen  were  both  notable  men.     Henry  W. 


PARENTAGE,  EARLY  LIFE,  AND  EDUCATION.     2? 

Rogers  was  a  large  man  with  a  somewhat  loud 
but  hearty  manner.  He  had  at  command  a  great 
store  of  anecdote,  and  without  being  witty  he 
easily  said  smart  things,  and  still  more  easily 
bitter  ones.  Mr.  Rogers  was  the  advocate  of  the 
firm,  and  was  a  strong  jury  lawyer. 

Denis  Bowen  was  a  very  different  person.  He 
was  quiet  and  unobtrusive,  never  went  into  court, 
nor  ever  sought  publicity.  He  was  a  master  of 
detail,  an  excellent  business  lawyer,  with  a  calm 
dispassionate  judgment  to  which  his  clients 
trusted  implicitly.  Beneath  a  somewhat  cold 
manner  was  hidden  a  most  gentle  disposition,  and 
Denis  Bowen  was  not  only  greatly  respected,  but 
greatly  loved  by  those  among  whom  he  lived. 

At  that  time  upon  the  bench  of  the  Superior 
Court  were  Isaac  A.  Verplanck,  Joseph  G.  Masten 
and  George  W.  Clinton.  The  latter  of  these  is  still 
extensively  known,  and  I  will,  therefore,  not  speak 
of  him.  Judge  Verplanck  had  a  vigorous  and 
thoroughly  unpartial  mind,  and  a  huge  unwieldy 
body.  No  one  could  ever  find  how  much  he 
weighed.  He  once  made  a  journey  to  the  plains 
in  the  stage-coach  days,  with  Mr.  Fargo  and  a 
party  of  gentlemen.  It  was  arranged  that  the 
coach  should  be  driven  on  to  the  scales  at  the  next 
station  and  weighed,  passengers  and  all,  and  then 
Verplanck' s  weight  was  to  be  got  by  deducting 
the  weight  of  the  coach  and  the  other  passengers. 
But  no  sooner  did  the  driver  pull  up  than  the 


28  LIFE  OF  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

Judge  \vho  was  as  quick  of  mind  as  slow  of  body, 
saw  what  his  friends  were  at,  and  jumped  from 
the  coach  In-fore  its  weight  could  be  taken.  Judge 
Verplanck  was  a  good  lawyer  and  an  excellent 
judge.  As  a  nisi  prius  judge  he  could  not  be 
•lied.  His  dislike  of  work  made  Him  impa 
tient  of  delay,  and  eager  to  get  through.  Busi 
ness  before  him  was  done  rapidly.  But  it  was  in 
criminal  cases  that  his  generous  heart  showed 
There  was  little  danger  that  injustice 
would  be  done  in  his  court  to  any  criminal,  how- 
t  \i  r  wretched,  friendless,  or  guilty.  Once  he 
sent  for  a  young  lawyer  and  asked  him  to  defend  a 
man  charged  with  murder.  The  youthful  advocate 
plea- led  his  inexperience  and  dneflkf  of  the  respon 
sibility.  "Have  no  fear,"  said  the  Judge;  "I 
will  set;  to  it  that  your  client  does  not  suffer." 
In  private  Judge  Verplanck  was  the  pl-easantest 
of  companions.  He  was  fond  of  food,  of  wine 
and  good  company.  There  was  no  bitterness  in 
his  temper,  but  always  a  genial  sunshine  which 
made  him  welcome  everywhere. 

Joseph  G,  Mastenwas  by  far  the  most  learned 
la\\\erin  Buffalo.  Those  who  knew  him  and 
others  well  enough  to  judge,  thought  there  was 
no  better  lawyer  anywhere.  Like  Verplanck,  he 
had  a  great  social  charm,  and  was  a  prominent 
figure  in  a  society  full  of  able  and  interesting 
men. 

-  r  the  death  of  Mr.  1 1 aven,  which  took  place 


PARENTAGE,  EARLY  LIFE,  AND  EDUCATION.     2ft 

in  1 86 1,  John  Garison  came  to  be  the  leader  of 
the  Buffalo  bar.  He  had  a  clear  and  vigorous 
intellect  and  untiring  industry.  |  He  had  been 
carefully  educated  and  thoroughly  trained  for  his 
profession.  No  one  could  equal  him  in  the  care 
with  which  his  causes  were  prepared,  nor  in  the 
clearness  with  which,  brushing  aside  all  extrane 
ous  matter,  he  -presented  the  essential  points  of 
his  argument.  He  had  no  eloquence,  but  his 
lucidity  and  conciseness,  and  his  instinct  for  the 
strong  points  of  a  case,  made  him  a  very  success 
ful  advocate.  He  served  with  distinction  in  Con 
gress  and  in  the  State  Senate,  and  his  sudden 
death,  in  1874,  brought  to  a  close  a  career  which 
was  full  of  promise. 

The  principal  person  in  Buffalo  society  at  that 
time  was  Dr.  Walter  Gary,  a  gentleman  widely 
known  in  this  country  and  in  Europe.  The  doc 
tor  had  retired  from  his  profession  by  reason  of 
delicate  health.  A  large  estate  and  a  ready  dis 
position  to  new  enterprises,  gave  him  abundant 
occupation.  Travel  and  society  were  his  chief 
pleasures,  and  the  influence  of  his  example  did 
much  to  give  to  Buffalo  its  reputation  for  hospi 
tality. 

Albert  Haller  Tracy  was  the  oldest  son  of 
Albert  H.  Tracy,  mentioned  above.  He  and 
Grover  Cleveland  were  about  the  same  age. 
After  his  father's  death,  by  which  event  he  came 
into  a  large  fortune,  Tracy  retired  from  the  pro- 


30  LIFE  OF  C ROVER  CLEVELAtib. 

mi  in  which  he  might  easily  have  won  distinc- 

Hr  had  a  mind  remarkable  for  judgment 

and  moderation.      His  knowledge   of   men   and 

affairs   was  extensive,   his  reading  considerable, 

and  his  memory  most  retentive. 

I  have  mentioned  the  most  prominent  men  in 
me  city  in  which  Grover  Cleveland  had  made  his 
home,  where  his  character  was  to  be  formed,  his 
career  begun,  and  where  he  was  to  find  an 
entrance,  if  he  ever  did,  into  the  path  which 
should  lead  him  to  fame  and  greatness.  I  have, 
however,  spoken  only  of  the  dead.  There  are 
many  living  persons  who  should  be  mentioned,  if 
it  were  intended  to  make  a  complete  description 
of  the  associations  in  which  Cleveland  found  him 
self  ;  but  I  am  not  permitted  to  speak  of  the  living 
with  tin;  freedom  which  would  be  necessary. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  before  he  was  twenty 
3  old,  Cleveland  had  begun  the  study  of  his 
profession  under  most  favorable   circumstances. 
He  was  in  the  family  of  an  uncle  who  lived  com- 
. My  and  well.     He  was  thrown   into  associa 
tion  with  men  of  talent  and  distinction.     He  was 
in    the  employ  of  a  firm  of  able  and  successful 
lawyers,  who  were  entrusted  with  very  important 
rs. 

Thenceforth  there  was  no  element  of  hardship 
in  Cleveland's  life.  He  probably  never  knew 
what  want  was.  He  had  all  that  it  was  possible 
to  have.  He  had  opportunity  as  full  and  com- 


PARENTAGE,  EARL  Y  LIFE,  AND  EDUCA  T1ON.     7  i 

plete  as  if  he  had  been  born  to  wealth.  Indeed, 
he  had,  in  the  necessity  for  exertion,  a  stimulant 
and  a  training  which  wealth  could  not  have  given 
him.  The  transplanted  tree  had  found  a  con 
genial  soil. 

Grover  Cleveland  remained  with  Rogers  & 
Bowen,  as  student  and  clerk,  until  1863.  At  the 
outbreak  of  the  war,  the  question  had  come  to 
him  as  to  the  duty  he  owed  his  country.  While 
teaching  in  New  York,  and  while  studying  in 
Buffalo,  he  had'  always  sent  whatever  money  he 
could  spare  to  his  mother.  He  was  then  earning 
enough  to  make  his  contributions  of  importance 
to  the  family.  It  was  therefore  decided  that  the 
two  younger  brothers  should  go  to  the  army,  and 
that  the  bread  winner  should  stay  and  work  for 
the  support  of  his  mother  and  sisters. 

In  1872,  these  younger  brothers,  who  had  rep 
resented  the  family  in  the  army  during  the  Civil 
War,  were  drowned  at  sea,  in  the  burning  of  the 
Steamship  Missouri  near  the  Island  of  Abaco, 
October  22d.  In  that  disaster  they  exhibited  un 
usual  coolness  and  courage  ;  they  stood  by  the 
boats  when  they  were  lowered  and  helped  the 
passengers  into  them,  doing  the  work  the  fright 
ened  officers  should  have  done.  But  when  the 
boats  were  lowered  there  was  no  room  for  them 
and  they  went  down  with  the  ship. 


CHAPTER  II. 

HIS  CAREER  AT  THE  BUFFALO  BAR. 

G ROVER  CLEVELAND  had  been  admit 
t<-d  to  the  bar  in  1859,  and  in  January,  1863, 
he  was  appointed  Assistant  District  Attor 
ney  for  the  County  of  Erie.  This  position  brought 
young  Cleveland  into  court,  and  accustomed  him  to 
the  trial  of  causes.  At  that  time  the  District  Attorney 
had  but  one  assistant,  and  upon  him  fell  a  large 
share  of  the  work  of  the  office.  His  industry 
and  evenness  of  temper  fitted  him,  peculiarly, 
for  his  duties,  and  he  soon  held  a  more  important 
relation  to  the  public  business  than  it  had  been 
usual  for  an  Assistant  District  Attorney  to  have. 
This  was,  perhaps,  due,  in  part,  to  the  fact  that 
Mr.  Torraiu-r.  th<-  I  )istrict  Attorney,  did  not  live 
in  the  city,  but  in  a  village  twenty-five  miles  dis 
tant.  He  therefore  naturally  left  much  to  the 
capable  and  industrious  assistant,  who  was  con 
stantly  at  hand.  The  three  years  in  the  District 
Attorney'*  office  were  of  great  value  to  Cleve 
land.  They  gave  him  confidence  in  himself, 
accustomed  him  to  the  trial  of  causes  and  to 
addressing  juries  ;  enabled  him  to  make  a  wide 
acquaintance  among  the  people  in  the  country 
$• 


HIS  CAREER  AT  THE  BUFFALO  BAR.  3^ 

towns,  as  well  as  in  the  city,  and  attracted  to  him 
the  attention  of  clients  and  the  bar. 

The  Assistant  District  Attorneyship  also 
brought  him  into  politics.  From  the  time  of  his 
acceptance  of  that  office,  he  was  known  as  a 
Democratic  politician.  Mr.  Dean  Richmond,  a 
man  of  singular  ability  and  force  of  character, 
was  then  the  principal  Democrat  in  Western  New 
York,  and  governed  local  affairs  with  a  firm  hand. 
At  the  expiration  of  Mr.  Torrance's  term,  Cleve 
land  received  the  Democratic  nomination  for 
District  Attorney.  His  nomination  to  so  import 
ant  an  office,  when  he  was  only  twenty-nine  years 
old,  is  the  strongest  evidence  that  can  be  given 
of  the  standing  he  had  obtained  in  the  community 
and  in  his  profession.  His  opponent  was  Lyman 
K.  Bass,  a  young  Republican  lawyer,  afterwards 
a  member  of  Congress,  and  who  has  been  pre 
vented  by  ill-health  from  completely  fulfilling  the 
promise  of  his  youth.  After  a  heated  canvass, 
Cleveland  was  beaten,  a  result  not  to  be  wondered 
at,  for  the  county  then  usually  went  Republican. 
An  old  political  friend  well  remembers  meeting 
Cleveland  the  day  after  the  election,  and  recalls 
the  perfect  coolness  and  good  humor  with  which 
he  took  his  defeat. 

He  at  once  resumed  the  practiceof  his  profession, 
and  soon  formed  a  partnership  with  the  late 
Isaac  V.  Vanderpool.  In  1867,  the  late  William  Dor- 
sheimer  having  been  appointed,  by  President  John- 


3}  L IFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

son,   United    States   Attorney  for  the  Northern 
rid    of    NVw    York,    offered    Cleveland  an 
appointment  as  Assistant  District  Attorney.    This 
offer  he  declined,  for  the  reason  that  the  duties  of 
flic  office    would   require  frequent  absence   from 
th<-  city,  und  he  preferred  to  attend  to  his  rapidly- 
growini;  clientage.     He  soon  after  became  asso 
ciated  with    the  late   A.  P.   Lanning  and  Oscar 
FolMim.  a  young  companion  of   Cleveland,  who 
hud  taken  the   Assistant  Attorneyship  which  the 
former  had  declined.     The  name  of  the  new  firm 
was  Lanning,  Cleveland  &  Folsom.     The  daugh- 
>t  the  last  named  gentleman  is  now  the  Pres- 
:  s  wife. 

In    the   autumn    of     1870,    Cleveland's    polit 
ical     friends    offered     him     the    nomination    for 
sheriff     of     the    county.     "  Now,"    said    he,    to 
a     tri<-nd     whose    advice    he    asked,    "I     know 
that  it  is  not   usual  for  lawyers    to    be    sheriffs. 
1  d<>  not  remember  of  any  lawyer  being  a  sheriff. 
tli« -re  are  some  reasons  why  I  should  consider 
matter  carefully.     I  have  been   compelled  to 
•  •urn   my   living  since  I  was   seventeen.      I  have 
r  had  time  for  reading,  nor  for  thorough  pro- 
-.1  study.     The  sheriff's  office  would  take 
•  >ut  of  practice,  but  it  would  keep  me  about 
the  courts,  and  in  professional  relations.    It  would 
i^id< -ruble  leisure,  which  I  could  devote 
to   self-improvement      Besides,   it  would  enable 
me  i  a  modest   competency,  and  give   me 


CAREER  AT  THE  BUFFALO  BAR.  35 

the  pecuniary  independence  which  otherwise  I 
may  never  have.  I  have  come  for  your  advice. 
What  woutd  you  do  in  my  place  ? " 

His  friend  strongly  recommended  him  to  accept 
the  nomination.  He  received  the  same  advice  from 
other  friends.  He  took  the  nomination  and  was 
elected.  Naturally,  some  of  the  duties  of  the 
sheriff's  office  were  grievously  distasteful  to  him, 
but  he  performed  them  with  that  strong  sense  of 
duty  which  has  always  characterized  him. 

He  used  the  opportunities  of  the  position  as  he 
had  said  he  would.  He  made  a  considerable 
saving,  and  he  gave  his  leisure  time  to  profes 
sional  and  other  studies.  As  soon  as  he  returned 
to  the  bar  the  effect  was .  noticeable.  He  was  a 
stronger  and  a  broader  man  than  he  had  been 
before,  and  he  at  once  took  a  higher  place  than 
he  had  ever  held. 

At  the  close  of  his  term  as  sheriff,  he  formed  a 
partnership  with  his  old  antagonist,  Lyman  K. 
Bass,  and  Wilson  S.  Bissell.  Failing  health  com 
pelled  Mr.  Bass  to  remove  to  Colorado,  and  after 
wards  Mr.  George  J.  Sicard  entered  the  firm, 
which  was  known  as  Cleveland,  Bissell  &  Sicard. 
From  this  time,  1874,  until  his  election  as  Mayor, 
Cleveland  practiced  his  profession  with  constantly 
increasing  success.  He  came  to  have  great  skill 
in  trying  causes,  and  his  arguments  to  the  court  in 
bane  were  noticeable  for  lucidity  and  thorough 
ness.  Many  important  matters  were  entrusted  to 


36  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

him,  and  before  he  again  took  office  he  was 
beginning  to  receive  large  fees.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  that,  had  he  remained  at  the  bar,  he 
would  have  won  as  great  a  success  as  the  theatre 
in  which  lie  acted  would  permit. 

T.iit  during  these  years  of  professional  labor, 
Cleveland  was  n<a  indifferent  to  politics.     Indeed, 
h«-    was  all  die  time  a  counsellor  of  his  party. 
Atu-r  the   death    of   Dean    Richmond,    in    1866, 
ph  Warren,  the  editor  of  the  Courier,  became 
the  In  ad  of  the  Democratic  organization  in  Buf 
falo.     He  was  a  native  of  Vermont,   who  had, 
when   a  very  young  man,  gone  to  Albany,   and 
from  there  to  Buffalo.      He  found  employment  in 
the  editorial  office  of  the   Courier,  while  the  late 
William  A.  Seaver  was  its  proprietor  and  editor. 
Upon  the  retirement  of  Mr.  Seaver,  he  succeeded 
to  the  control  of  the  paper,  and  was  one  of  its  prin 
cipal  owners.      Mr.  Warren  directed  party  affairs 
with  great  judgment  and  self-control.      He  never 
aspired  to  office  himself,  was  very  appreciative  of 
the  talents  of  others,  and  always  ready  to  aid  in 
advancing  the  fortunes  of  his  friends.     He  was, 
besides,  a  promoter  of  all  the  generous   enter 
prises  which  promised  to  add  to  the  prosperity  of 
the  city.     All  the  public  institutions  were  aided  by 
his  v.  lunsel  and  unselfish  labors.     Mr.  War- 

was  a  warm  friend  of  Cleveland's,  and  was 
of  the  first  to  recognize  his  talents  and  predict 
success.      1  lc  died  in  i  576,  and  thenceforward 


ffIS  CAREER  AT  THE  BUFFALO 

J   / 

Cleveland  was  drawn  into  more  responsible  politi 
cal  relations.  He  was  not  willing  to  take  the  local 
leadership,  which  he  might  easily  have  had,  for  he 
could  not  give  to  it  the  necessary  time  and  atten 
tion.  But  he  served  on  party  committees,  and 
there  was  little  done  in  party  matters  in  Buffalo 
as  to  which  his  advice  was  not  taken.  When  he 
went  to  Albany,  many  thought  him  ignorant  of 
political  methods.  But  'they  were  greatly  mis 
taken.  Few  men  know  practical  politics  better 
than  he. 

During  all  these  years  he  had  been  a  Democrat 
of  Democrats.  Through  good  report  and  evil 
report,  he  had  stood  with  his  party.  Neither 
success  nor  defeat  had,  for  an  instant,  diminished 
his  allegiance  or  his  zeal. 

During  the  early  period  of  Cleveland's  Buffalo 
life  the  city  had  begun  a  new  career.  Its  wealth 
had  greatly  increased,  and  a  number  of  young 
men  with  more  education  than  their  elders  had 
become  active  in  affairs.  A  desire  for  a  higher 
civilization  began  to  show  itself.  The  Young 
Men's  Association,  which  maintained  a  small 
library  and  a  course  of  public  lectures  in  the 
winter,  had  long  been  the  principal,  and  it  may  be 
said  the  only  literary  society.  But  it  had  lan 
guished  upon  a  meagre  income.  During  this  time 
a  movement  was  set  afoot  to  secure  an  endow 
ment  for  it.  Through  the  exertion  of  several 
gentlemen,  among  whom  the  late  S.  V.  R.  Wat- 


3$  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

son   was    most   prominent,    a    fund    of   between 
eighty  and  ninety  thousand  dollars  was  raised  by 
subscription  and  the  sale  of  life-memberships.     A 
valuable  property  was  purchased  and  the  associa 
tion  provided  with  an  abundant  income.     During 
this  period  the  Buffalo  Historical  Society,  of  which 
Mr.  Fillmore  was  the  first  president,  was  formed, 
and  also  the  Buffalo  Academy  of  Fine  Arts.    Both 
of   these  institutions    excited  the  interest  of  the 
more    liberal    citizens.      It   doubtless   seemed    to 
many,  an    ambitious   undertaking  to  establish  an 
it -my  of  Fine  Arts  in  a  place  so  given  over  to 
l)ii  si  ness  as  Buffalo.     Once,  in  those  early  days, 
Ralph  Waldo  Emerson  went  through  the  gallery, 
\vhirh  was  then  largely  made  up  of  pictures  on 
sale  contributed  by  the  artists  of  New  York  and 
ton,  but  which  also  contained  a   number  of 
\\orks,  the  property  of   the   academy,  that   were 
worthy  of  attention.     Said  the  philosopher:  "This 
lias  begun  well  and  will  come  to  something  in  the 
course  of  the  ages."     Indeed  those  who  began  the 
work  knew  as  well  as  any  one,  how  little  could  be 
done   during   their  life-time,  but  they   thought  a 
beginning  should  be  made.     To  this  period,  also, 
belongs  the  Society  of  Natural    History,  which 
owes  its  success  chiefly  to  the  scientific  zeal  of 
George  W.  Clinton. 

Any  traveler  who,  to-day,  shall  visit  the  institu 
tions  I  have  mentioned,  and  thoroughly  examine 
their  collections,  will  be  surprised  to  find  how 


ms  CAREER  AT  THE  BUFFALO  BAR.  39 

much  has  been  accomplished  in  twenty-five  years. 
He  will  see  that  Buffalo  has  become  the  centre  of 
literary,  artistic  and  scientific  activities,  and  that 
forces  have  been  set  at  work  which  are  sure  to 
strengthen  with  time,  and  to  greatly  influence 
the  character  of  the  place  and  the  lives  of  its 
people. 

Grover  Cleveland  was  hardly  old  enough  to 
take  part  in  the  beginning  of  these  things.  But 
he  has  done  his  share  of  work  in  building  them 
up  to  their  present  prosperous  state. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE    MAYORALTY  AND   MUNICIPAL    REFORM. 

EIGHT  years  ago  Grover  Cleveland  was, 
as  has  been  seen,  living  quietly  in  Buffalo 
and  practicing  law.     Neither  he  nor  any 
one  foresaw  the  career  which  was  before  him,  and 
upon  which  he  was  soon  to  enter.     This  may  be 
*aid  without  disparagement,  for  if  any  intelligent 
resilient  of  Buffalo  had  been  asked  to  name  a 
n  who  was  by  nature  fit  to  be  Governor  and 
President,  he   would  have  been  more  likely  to 
mention   Cleveland  than  any  other  man  in   the 
place. 

The  National  defeat  of  1880  had  not  seriously' 
impaired    Democratic    strength    in    Buffalo,  and 
when  the  municipal  election  of  1881    drew  near 
•e  was  a  strong  feeling  that  a  proper  person 
could  be  elected  to  the  Mayoralty  by  the  Demo- 
v  rats.     City  affairs  were  in  an  unsatisfactory  state, 
and  there  was  a  general  feeling  in  favor  of  munici 
pal  reform.     The  party  leaders  urged  Cleveland 
i«>  take  the  nomination.     At  first  he  refused,  but 
it  was  pressed  upon  him  with  such  urgency,  and 
with  so  strong  an  appeal  to  his  sense  of  duty,  that 
i    last  consented.     His   candidacy  led    to   a 
spirited  eanvass,  and  to  his  election  by  a  majority 
40 


MA  YORAL  TY  AAJ  MUNICIPAL  REFORM.  A\ 

of  3500,  the  largest  ever  known  in  the  history  oi 
the  city. 

He  took  office  as  Mayor  on  the  istday  of  Jan 
uary,  1882.  He  at  once  called  to  his  side,  as  his 
secretary,  Mr.  Harmon  S.  Cutting,  a  devoted  friend, 
and  a  lawyer  of  excellent  standing  and  great  expe 
rience,  who  was  unrivalled  for  his  knowledge  of 
municipal  law.  Mr.  Cleveland  entered  upon  his 
office  with  a  strong  feeling  that  the  affairs  of 
the  municipality  should,  so  far  as  possible,  be 
kept  apart  from  party  politics.  He  could  not 
see  why  the  paving,  lighting,  and  cleaning  of 
streets,  should  depend  upon  the  exigencies  of 
parties  which  had  been  formed  upon  lines  of  state 
or  national  policy.  •  His  first  resolve  was  to  do 
what  he  thought  the  interests  of  the  city  required, 
without  reference  to  the  effect  his  action  would 
have  upon  either  the  Democratic  or  the  Republi 
can  party.  In  his  speech  accepting  the  nomination 
for  Mayor,  he  said :  "  There  is,  or  there  should 
be,  no  reason  why  the  affairs  of  our  city  should 
not  be  managed  with  the  same  care  and  the  same 
economy  as  private  interests  ;  and  when  we  con 
sider  that  public  officials  are  the  trustees  of  the 
people  and  hold  their  places  and  exercise  their 
powers  for  the  benefit  of  the  people,  there  should 
be  no  hio-her  inducement  to  a  faithful  and  honest 

o 

discharge  of  public  duty."     In  his  inaugural  mes 
sage,  he  used  the  following  language  : 

"We  hold  the  money  of  the  people    in    our 


42  LIFE  OF  C ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

hands,  to  be  used  for  their  purposes  and  to  fui 
ther  their  interests  as  members  of  the  munici 
pality,  and  it  is  quite  apparent  that,  when  any  part 
of  the  funds  which  the  taxpayers  have  thus 
intrusted  to  us  are  diverted  to  other  purposes,  or 
\\hrn.  l.y  design  or  neglect,  we  allow  a  greater 
sum  to  be  applied  to  any  municipal  purpose  than 
is  necessary,  we  have,  to  that  extent,  violated  our 
duty.  There  surely  is  no  difference  in  his  duties 
and  obligations,  whether  a  person  is  intrusted 
with  the  money  of  one  man  or  many." 

These  two  declarations  laid  down  the  rule  by 
which  he  meant  to  be  guided.  A  trust  had  been 
placed  in  his  hands,  and  as  a  trust  he  intended  to 
administer  his  office.  The  public  moneys  were  to 
be  dealt  with  as  private  moneys  are  dealt  with,  by 
a  competent  and  honest  trustee.  This  rule  he  at 
once  rigidly  applied  tomunicipal  affairs.  Heapplied 
it,  in  a  striking  manner,  to  a  resolution  which  was 
ed  by  the  city  council  appropriating  five  hun- 
dnd  dollars  to  defray  the  expenses  attending  a 
proper  observance  of  Decoration  Day.  It  was 
proposed,  that  this  sum  of  money  should  be  paid 
out  of  what  was  known  as  the  Fourth  of  July  fund, 
and  therefore  the  resolution  was  obnoxious  to  a 
provision  in  the  charter  of  the  city,  which  made 
it  a  misdemeanor  to  appropriate  money  raised  for 
one  purpose  to  any  other  object.  Upon  this 
v;  round  he  refused  to  approve  the  resolution. 
Uut  he  also  placed  his  refusal  upon  broadei 


MA  YORAL  TV  AND  MUNICIPAL  REFORM.          43 

grounds.      In    his    veto    message,   among    other 
things,  he  said  : 

"I  deem  the  object  of  this  appropriation  a  most 
worthy  one.  The  efforts  of  our  veteran  soldiers 
to  keep  alive  the  memory  of  their  fallen  comrades 
certainly  deserves  the  aid  and  encouragement  of 
their  fellow-citizens.  We  should  all,  I  think,  feel 
it  a  duty  and  a  privilege  to  contribute  to  the  funds 
necessary  to  carry  out  such  a  purpose.  And  I 
should  be  much  disappointed  if  an  appeal  to  our 
citizens-for  voluntary  subscriptions  for  this  patri 
otic  object  should  be  in  vain. 

"  But  the  money  so  contributed  should  be  a  free 
gift  of  the  citizens  and  taxpayers,  and  should  not 
be  extorted  from  them  by  taxation.  This  is  so, 
because  the  purpose  for  which  this  money  is  asked 
does  not  involve  their  protection  or  interest  as 
members  of  the  community,  and  it  may  or  may 
not  be  approved  by  them. 

"  The  people  are  forced  to  pay  taxes  into  the 
city  treasury  only  upon  the  theory  that  such 
money  shall  be  expended  for  public  purposes,  or 
purposes  in  which  they  all  have  a  direct  and  practi 
cal  interest. 

"  The  logic  of  this  position  leads  directly  to  the 
conclusion  that,  if  the  people  are  forced  to  pay 
their  money  into  the  public  fund  and  it  is  spent  by 
their  servants  and  agents  for  purposes  in  which  the 
people  as  taxpayers  have  no  interest,  the  exaction 
of  such  taxes  from  them  is  oppressive  and  unjust. 


4 4  Llf£  OF  G ROVER 

••I  cannot  rid  myself  of  the  idea  that  this  cit) 
government,  in  its  relation  to  the  taxpayers,  is  a 
business  establishment,  and  that  it  is  put  in  our 
h.uuls  to  be  conducted  on  business  principles. 

1  ins  theory  does  not  admit  of  our  donating 
the-  public  funds  in  the  manner  contemplated  by 
tin-  action  of  your  honorable  body. 

"I  deem  it  my  duty,  therefore,  to  return  both 
of  the  resolutions  herein  referred  to  without  my 

approval." 

This  act  attracted  the  attention  of  the  whole 
community.  The  leading  newspapers,  without  dis 
tinction  of  party,  gave  it  their  approval.  But  in 
order  that  the  object  for  which  the  money  had 
been  voted  should  be  accomplished,  a  subscription 
was  at  once  set  afoot,  which  the  Mayor  headed  by 
a  liberal  contribution.  He  soon  had  an  opportu 
nity  to  apply  his  principles  to  a  more  important 
matter.  The  City  Council  had  awarded  the  con 
tract  for  cleaning  the  streets  for  five  years  for  the 
sum  of  four  hundred  and  twenty-two  thousand, 
five  hundred  dollars.  Another  party  had  offered 
to  ilt)  th<!  work  for  one  hundred  thousand  dollars 

is,  and  the  person  to  whom  the  contract  had 
l»«-rn  -ivrn  had  himself,  a  few  weeks  before,  pro 
posed  to  perform  the  same  service  for  fifty  thou 
sand  l<-ss.  This  scandalous  transaction  was  dealt 
with  by  the  Mayor  with  a  commendable  directness 
and  frankness ;  he  returned  the  resolution  with  a 
message,  which  contained  the  following  language  ; 


MA  YORAL  TY  AND  MUNICIPAL  REFORM.  A  - 

"This  is  a  time  for  plain  speech,  and  my  objec 
tion  to  the  action  of  your  honorable  body  now 
under  consideration  shall  be  plainly  stated.  I 
withhold  my  assent  from  the  same,  because  I  regard 
it  as  the  culmination  of  a  most  barefaced,  impudent 
and  shameless  scheme  to  betray  the  interests  of 
the  people,  and  to  worse  than  squander  the  public 
money. 

"  I  will  not  be  misunderstood  in  this  matter. 
There  are  those  whose  votes  were  given  for  this 
resolution  whom  I  cannot  and  will  not  suspect  of 
a  willful  neglect  of  the  interests  they  are  sworn  to 
protect ;  but  it  has  been  fully  demonstrated  that 
there  are  influences,  both  in  and  about  your  hon 
orable  body,  which  it  behooves  every  honest  man 
to  watch  and  avoid  with  the  greatest  care. 

"  When  cool  judgment  rules  the  hour,  the  people 
will,  I  hope  and  believe,  have  no  reason  to  com 
plain  of  the  action  of  your  honorable  body.  But 
clumsy  appeals  to  prejudice  or  passion,  insinua 
tions,  with  a  kind  of  low,  cheap  cunning,  as  to  the 
motives  and  purposes  of  others,  and  the  mock 
heroism  of  brazen  effrontery  which  openly  declares 
that  a  wholesome  public  sentiment  is  to  be  set  at 
naught,  sometimes  deceives  and  leads  honest  men 
to  aid  in  the  consummation  of  schemes,  which,  if 
exposed,  they  would  look  upon  with  abhorrence. 

"If  the  scandal  in  connection  with  this  street 
cleaning  contract,  which  has  so  aroused  our  citi 
zens,  shall  cause  them  to  select  and  watch  with 


46  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

more  care  those  to  whom  they  intrust  their  inter 
and  if  it  serves  to  make  all  of  us  who  are 
charged  with  official  duties  more  careful  in  their 
performance,  it  will  not  be  an  unmitigated  evil. 

"  \\ V  are  fast  gaining  positions  in  the  grades  of 
public  stewardship.  There  is  no  middle  ground. 
Those  who  are  not  lor  the  people,  either  in  or  out 
of  your  honorable  body,  are  against  them,  and 
should  be  treated  accordingly." 

This  bold  and  honorable  act  attracted  wide  at 
tention,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  a  reputation 
which  soon  extended  throughout  the  State. 

Mr.  Cleveland  continued  to  apply  to  the  affairs 
of  Buffalo  the  same  inflexible  rule  of  administering 
his  office  as  though  it  were  a  trust.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  result  was  a  success  greater 
than  has  ever  been  accomplished  upon  so  narrow 
\\  political  field  as  a  single  municipality.  At  home, 
the  favor  which  he  obtained  was  quite  universal. 
All  party  differences  disappeared  before  a  public 
officer  who  performed  his  duties  with  so  complete 
,i  r<  ference  to  the  general  welfare. 

During  the  short  term  of  his  mayoralty  there 
were  several  occasions  which  compelled  him  to 
speak  upon  important  topics.  But  whatever  sub 
ject  he  dealt  with  was  presented  in  the  light  of 
the  principle  he  had  from  the  first  declared  should 
guide  his  conduct.  In  speaking  at  the  semi-cen 
tennial  celebration  of  die  foundation  of  the  city, 
July  3d,  1882,  he  said: 


MA  YORAL  TV  AND  MUNICIPAL  REFORM.  47 

"  We  boast  of  our  citizenship  to-night.  But 
this  citizenship  brings  with  it  duties  not  unlike  those 
we  owe  our  neighbor  and  our  God.  There  is  no 
better  time  than  this  for  self-examination.  He 
who  deems  himself  too  pure  and  holy  to  take  part 
in  the  affairs  of  his  city,  will  meet  the  fact  that 
better  men  than  he  have  thought  it  their  duty  to 
do  so.  He  who  cannot  spare  a  moment  in  his 
greed  and  selfishness  to  devote  to  public  con 
cerns,  will,  perhaps,  find  a  well-grounded  fear 
that  he  may  become  the  prey  of  public  plun 
derers  ;  and  he  who  indolently  cares  not  who 
administers  the  government  of  his  city,  will  find 
that  he  is  living  falsely,  and  in  the  neglect  of  his 
highest  duty." 

When  laying  the  corner-stone  of  the  Young 
Men's  Christian  Association  building,  on  the  ;th  of 
Sept-ember,  1882,  he  used  the  following  language  : 

"  We  all  hope  and  expect  that  our  city  has 
entered  upon  a  course  of  unprecedented  pros 
perity  and  growth.  But  to  my  mind  not  all 
the  signs  about  us  point  more  surely  to  real  great 
ness  than  the  event  which  we  here  celebrate. 
Good  and  pure  government  lies  at  the  foundation 
of  the  wealth  and  progress  of  every  community.  As 
the  chief  executive  of  this  proud  city,  I  congratu 
late  all  my  fellow-citizens  that  to-day  we  lay  the 
foundation  stone  of  an  edifice  which  shall  be  a 
beautiful  ornament,  and,  what  is  more  important, 
shall  enclose  within  its  walls  such  earnest  Christian 


48  I  IFF-   OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

.  iui  .is  must  make  easier  all  our  efforts  to 

administer  safely  and  honestly  a  good  municipal 
government." 

These  utterances  disclose  the  high  moral  pur 
pose  in  which  his  whole  nature  seemed  to  be 
absorbed,  and  which  he  was,  in  a  measure,  com 
pelled  to  profess  upon  every  occasion  when  he 
was  required  to  address  the  people.  Perhaps 
there  was  no  occasion  on  which  he  made  so  clear 
a  revelation  of  himself  and  his  character  as  by  the 
address  which  he  delivered  on  the  9th  of  April, 
1882,  when  taking  the  chair  at  a  mass  meeting  to 
protest  against  the  treatment  of  American  citizens 
imprisoned  abroad.  This  short  speech  is  worthy 
of  the  careful  attention  of  all  those  who  wish  to 
understand  his  mind  and  character: 

•  FELLOW  CITIZENS. — This  is  the  formal  mode 
of  address  on  occasions  of  this  kind,  but  I  think 
we  seldom  realize  fully  its  meaning  or  how  valu 
able  a  thing  it  is  to  be  a  citizen. 

"  From  the  earliest  civilization  to  be  a  citizen 
has  been  to  be  a  free  man,  endowed  with  certain 
privileges  and  advantages,  and  entitled  to  the  full 
protection  of  the  State.  The  defense  and  protec 
tion  « >i  the  personal  rights  of  its  citizens  has  always 
been  the  paramount  and  most  important  duty  of 
a  free,  enlightened  government. 

And  perhaps  no  government  has  this  sacred 
trust  more  in  its  keeping  than  this— the  best  and 
freest  of  them  all ;  for  here  the  people  who  are  to 


MA  YORAL  TY  AND  MUNICIPAL  REFORM.  43 

be  protected  are  the  source  of  those  powers  which 
they  delegate  upon  the  express  compact  that  the 
citizen  shall  be  protected.  For  this  purpose  we 
chose  those  who,  for  the  time  being,  shall  manage 
the  machinery  which  we  have  set  up  for  our 
defense  and  safety. 

"  And  this  protection  adheres  to  us  in  all  lands 
and  places  as  an  incident  of  citizenship.  Let  but 
the  weight  of  a  sacrilegious  hand  be  put  upon  this 
sacred  thing,  and  a  great  strong  government 
springs  to  its  feet  to  avenge  the  wrong.  Thus  it 
is  that  the  native  born  American  citizen  enjoys  his 
birthright.  But  when,  in  the  westward  march  of 
empire,  this  nation  was  founded  and  took  root, 
we  beckoned  to  the  Old  World,  and  invited  hither 
its  immigration,  and  provided  a  mode  by  which 
those  who  sought  a  home  among  us  might  become 
our  fellow  citizens.  They  came  by  thousands  and 
hundreds  of  thousands  ;  they  came  and 

Hewed  the  dark  old  woods  away, 
And  gave  the  virgin  fields  to  day ; 

they  came  with  strong  sinews  and  brawny  arms 
to  aid  in  the  growth  and  progress  of  a  new  coun 
try  ;  they  came,  and  upon  our  altars  laid  their 
fealty  and  submission  ;  they  came  to  our  temples 
of  justice,  and  under  the  solemnity  of  an  oath 
renounced  all  allegiance  to  every  other  State, 
potentate  and  sovereignty,  and  surrendered  to  us 
all  the  duty  pertaining  to  such  allegiance.  We 


5O  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

have  accepted  their  fealty,  and  invited  them  to 
surrender  the  protection  of  their  native  land. 

••And  what  should  be  given  them  in  return? 
Manifestly,  good  faith  and  every  dictate  of  honor 
demand  that  we  give  them  the  same  liberty  and 
protection  here  and  elsewhere  which  we  vouchsafe 
to  our  native-born  citizens.  And  that  this  has 
In-m  accorded  to  them  is  the  crowning  glory  of 
American  institutions. 

11  It  needed  not  the  statute,  which  is  now  the 
law  of  the  land,  declaring  that  all  'naturalized 
c  iti/cns  while  in  foreign  lands  are  entitled  to  and 
shall  receive  from  this  government  the  same  pro 
tection  of  person  and  property  which  is  accorded 
to  native-born  citizens,'  to  voice  the  policy  of  our 
nation. 

"In  all  lands  where  the  semblance  of  liberty  is 
preserved,  the  right  of  a  person  arrested  to  a 
speedy  accusation  and  trial  is,  or  ought  to  be,  a 
fundamental  law,  as  it  is  a  rule  of  civilization. 

'•At  any  rate,  we  hold  it  to  be  so,  and  this  is 
one  of  the  rights  which  we  undertake  to  guarantee 
to  any  native-born  or  naturalized  citizen  of  ours, 
whether  he  be  imprisoned  by  order  of  the  Czar 
of  Russia  or  under  the  pretext  of  a  law  admin 
istered  for  the  benefit  of  the  landed  aristocracy 
of  England. 

"We  do  not  claim  to  make  laws  for  other 
countries,  but  we  do  insist  that  whatever  those 
taws  may  be  they  shall,  in  the  interests  of  human 


MA  YORAL  TY  AND  MUNICIPAL  REFORM.  5  i 

fi-eedom  and  the  rights  of  mankind,  so  far  as  they 
involve  the  liberty  of  our  citizens,  be  speedily 
administered.  We  have  a  right  to  say,  and  do 
say,  that  mere  suspicion  without  examination  or 
trial,  is  not  sufficient  to  justify  the  long  imprison 
ment  of  a  citizen  of  America.  Other  nations 
may  permit  their  citizens  to  be  thus  imprisoned. 
Ours  will  not.  And  this  in  effect  has  been 
solemnly  declared  by  statute. 

"We  have  met  here  to-night  to  consider  this 
subject  and  to  inquire  into  the  cause  and  the 
reasons  and  the  justice  of  the  imprisonment  of 
certain  of  our  fellow-citizens  now  held  in  British 
prisons  without  the  semblance  of  a  trial  or  legal 
examination.  Our  law  declares  that  the  govern 
ment  shall  act  in  such  cases.  But  the  people  are 
the  creators  of  the  government. 

"The  undaunted  apostle  of  the  Christian  relig 
ion  imprisoned  and  persecuted,  appealing  centuries 
ago  to  the  Roman  law  and  the  rights  of  Roman 
citizenship,  boldly  demanded:  "Is  it  lawful  for 
you  to  scourge  a  man  that  is  a  Roman  and 
uncondemned  ?  " 

"So,  too,  might  we  ask,  appealing  to  the  law 
of  our  land  and  the  laws  of  civilization:  'Is  it 
lawful  that  these  our  fellows  be-  imprisoned  who 
are  American  citizens  and  uncondemned  ? ' 

"I  deem  it  an  honor  to  be  called  upon  to  pre 
side  at  such  a  meeting,  and  I  thank  you  for  it 
What  is  your  further  pleasure  ? '.' 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  CANVASS  FOR  GOVERNOR  OF  NEW 
YORK  IN  l882. 

THE  year  1882  was  one  of  political  reac 
tion  and  surprising  revolution.  The 
death  of  Garfield,  the  succession  of  Ar 
thur,  the  changes  in  Cabinet  and  policy,  the  with 
drawal  of  Senators  Conkling  and  Platt  and  their 
failure  of  re-election,  and  the  defeat  of  the  regu 
lar  Republican  caucus  nominee  for  United  States 
itor  in  Pennsylvania,  convulsed  the  politics 
of  the  two  principal  States  of  the  Union.  In  the 
Empire  and  Keystone  States  the  movements  of 
leaders  controlled  the  fortunes  of  the  two  great 
parties  in  whose  councils  these  Commonwealths 
were  supreme.  Men  were  everywhere  looking 
to  the  Gubernatorial  contests  of  the  year  to 
shape  the  next  Presidential  campaign  and  to 
influence  the  control  of  the  Federal  Administra 
tion,  perhaps,  for  many  years  to  come. 

In  New  York  city  and  Brooklyn,  where  the 
contention  of  the  Tammany  Society  and  County 
Democracy  had  distracted  their  party  for  years 
past  and  led  to  its  defeat  in  the  Gubernatorial 
campaign  of  1879,  r"lval  candidates  were  pre- 
52 


STATE  STREET  AND  CAPITOL,  ALBANY,  NEW  YOKE. 


JSS  FOR  GOVERNOR.  et 

sented  in  such  well-known  personages  as  Roswell 
P.  Flower  and  General  Henry  W.  Slocum.  The 
former  was  recognized  as  having  the  favor  of 
Tammany  Hall;  he  had  wealth,  extended  busi 
ness  reputation.,  and  the  experience  of  a  term  in 
Congress.  General  Slocum  was  one  of  the 
worthiest  and  most  popular  soldiers  m  the  War 
for  the  Union,  and  had  proved  his  eminent  fitness 
for  civil  duties  in  Congress.  They  were  pressed 
with  a  zeal  that  bid  fair  to  lead  to  intense  bitter 
ness  and  possibly  to  disastrous  dissension.  Two 
influences  operated  to  avert  the  threatened  col 
lision. 

While  the  local  pride  of  Buffalo  was  enlisted 
to  promote  to  the  Chief  Magistracy  of  the  State 
the  Mayor  who  had  served  his  city  so  well,  and 
while  his  most  ardent  supporters  there  were 
found  among  the  Republicans  who  had  contribu 
ted  to  his  municipal  victory,  the  eyes  of  the  cool- 
headed  party  managers  at  Albany  had  been  turned 
to  the  ''availability  "  of  a  candidate  who  had  al 
ready  exhibited,  marked  elements  of  political 
strength,  and  who  was  remote  from  the  local  dis 
traction  of  the  various  halls  and  factions  of  the 
great  cities  of  Eastern  New  York.  Mr.  Manning 
and  others  of  the  discreet  and  sagacious  politi 
cians  who  controlled  the  party  organization  fully 
satisfied  themselves  that  in  the  Mayor  of  Buffalo 
were  to  be  found  qualities  of  successful  leadership 
for  the  campaign  then  before  the  party.  The  del- 


56  L/fE  OF  GROVE R  C/  '.V£. 

egates  from  Western  New  York  were  solidly  fo.4 
him.  The  Tammany  people  gladly  espoused  hisi 
cause  rather  than  risk  defeat.  On  the  third  bal 
lot  in  the  State  Convention  their  delegates  went 
to  Cleveland  and  his  nomination  was  secured. 

As  soon  as  the  canvass  opened  it  was  seen  that 
the  choice  had  been  a  wise  one.  The  movement 
for  Cleveland  rose  in  the  West  to  a  great  height 
and  ran  swiftly  through  the  State.  Everywhere 
factional  differences  were  swept  away.  In  New 
York  the  adherents  of  Tammany  and  of  the 
County  and  Irving  Hall  organizations  united  in 
support  of  the  State  ticket,  and  upon  all  other 
important  nominations. 

Meantime,  in  other  States,  events  were  pro 
gressing  well  calculated  to  inspire  the  Democrats 
In  Connecticut,  Thomas  M.  Waller  led  the  battle 
which  ended  in  victory.  In  Massachusetts,  a  combi- 
nation  of  Democrats  and  Independents,  under  the 
banner  of  General  B.  F.  Butler,  was  wresting  the 
State  from  Republican  control.  In  Pennsylvania,  the 
Independent  Republican  candidacy  of  John  Stew 
art,  and  the  nomination  of  General  James  A.  Bea 
ver  by  the  regular  organization,  made  easy  the  elec 
tion  of  Robert  E.  Pattison. 

The  Republican  dissensions  were  increased  in 
proportion  to  the  growth  of  Democratic  union 
and  enthusiasm.  Those  Republicans  who  were 
disposed  to  vote  against  their  party,  were  not 
deterred  by  fear  of  failure.  The  certainty  of 


CANVASS  POR  GOVERNOR.  57 

Cleveland's  election  increased  the  temptation  to 
aid  his  cause.  Thousands  were  eager  to  add  to 
the  weight  of  the  blow  which  was  to  fall  on  the 
Administration  and  its  friends.  The  Republican 
candidate  was  an  eminent  citizen.  He  had  shown 
high  abilities  in  many  public  employments.  His 
character  was  without  a  stain.  He  had  been 
Chief  Justice  of  the  State  ;  and  a  loner  career  on 

J  o 

the  bench  had  won  for  him  that  general  esteem 
and  public  favor  which  successful  judicial  service 
almost  always  wins.  But  the  more  worthy  the 
candidate  the  more  impressive  the  lesson  of  his 
defeat.  The  murder  of  Garfield  was  to  be 
avenged  ;  party  chains  were  to  be  broken  ;  the 
forgery  of  a  telegram  was  to  be  punished,  and 
Republican  independence  and  manhood  were  to 
be  asserted.  The  party  difficulties  were  very 
materially  increased  also  by  the  attitude  of  lead 


ing  men. 


Mr.  Evarts,  who  had  always  been  ready  to  give 
his  elaborate  eloquence  to  his  party,  was  silent,  and 
what  was  of  far  more  importance,  Roscoe  Conk- 
ling  also  was  silent.  For  more  than  a  decade  he 
had  been  the  Republican  advocate.  His  popular 
triumphs  had  been  without  precedent.  In  1872, 
when  Republican  supremacy  was  threatened  by  a 
revolt,  formidable  on  account  of  the  number  and 
the  character  of  the  rebels,  he  excited  the  Repub 
licans  who  remained  faithful  to  their  party  to  un 
exampled  efforts  ;  efforts  which  created  a  Demo- 


eg  LrfE  OF  GKOVER  CLEVELAND. 

tic   supineness  far  more  effective  at  the  polls 
than  the  liberal  Republican  rebellion.     In  1876  he 
had   held  his  party  together  amid  great  discour- 
im-nis,  and  upon  a  lost  field.     He  had  after- 
•d  aloof  from  the  intrigues  by  which  Mr. 
Tilden  had  been  deprived  of  the  office  to  which 
h<-  had  been  elected.     In  1880,  at  a  time  when 
k«  publican  defeat  seemed  to  be  certain— when 
Mr.  Blaine  had  been  beaten  in  Maine,  and  the 
:«»l»er  elections  in  Ohio  and  Indiana  were  in  the 
greatest  doubt — he  reluctantly  came  forward  to 
aid  a  candidate  whom  he  distrusted  and  despised. 
He    threw  himself  into    the   canvass  with    all   his 
rustomed  zeal.     Those  who  have  never  heard 
Mr.   Conkling  addressing  a   great  meeting  can 
have   but   little   idea  of  the  vigor,  brilliancy,  and 
tiny  energy  of  his  picturesque   eloquence.     The 
effect  of  his   speeches   at   the  West,  and   in   his 
own  State,  cannot  be  over-stated.     Never,  in  our 
politics,  has  any  one  made  such  a  display  of  per- 
nal  power.     But  in    1882   he  was   silent.     It  is 
not  necessary  to  explain  here  the  causes  of  his 
silence.     Its    effects   were    to    be    seen    plainly 
enough  by  all  who  watched  the  events  of  that 
year. 

The  Republican  disaffection  grew  more  power 
ful   every  day.     Party  journals,  like  the   Buffalo 
,  openly  advocated  Cleveland's  election. 
Th«-  Albany  Journal,  the  New  York  Times,  and 
the  Tribune  gave  Judge  Folger  but  a  cold  sup- 


CANVA  SS  FOR  G  O  VERNOR.  r  Q 

port.  The  friends  of  Garfield  wished  his  defeat. 
The  friends  of  Conkling  wished  his  defeat ;  and 
to  these  discontents,  added  to  Democratic  enthu 
siasm,  the  friends  of  President  Arthur  could  make 
but  little  resistance.  The  Republican  treasury 
was  without  funds,  and  had  the  canvass  lasted  two 
weeks  longer,  the  Republican  cause  would  proba 
bly  have  been  practically  abandoned.  The  elec 
tion  resulted  in  a  majority  of  one  hundred  and 
ninety-two  thousand  for  Grover  Cleveland ;  in 
the  election  of  twenty-one  Democratic  members 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  of  a  large 
majority  in  the  State  Assembly.  The  wisdom  of 
those  who  had  advised  Mr.  Cleveland's  nomina 
tion  was  abundantly  vindicated  by  this  overwhelm 
ing  victory. 

In  that  hour  of  triumph  there  was  one  man 
whose  mind  was  filled  with  anxiety.  The  Demo 
cratic  candidate  had,  during  the  canvass,  borne 
himself  modestly,  and  had  passed  his  time  in  the 
duties  of  his  office.  He  heard  the  news  of  his 
success  with  joy,  indeed,  but  it  was  a  joy  tempered 
by  a  sense  of  the  undefined  responsibilities  which 
lay  before  him.  This  feeling  showed  itself  in  the 
speech  which  he  made  the  night  of  his  election 
at  the  Manhattan  Club,  and  even  more  strongly 
in  the  address  which  he  made  upon  taking  the 
oath  of  office. 

To  many,  the  governorship  thus  attained  sug 
gested  the  presidency.  If  this  high  anticipation 


6O  L 1FE  OF  GRO  VER  CLE  VEL  A ^ 7). 

came  to  him.  as  it  did  to  others,  it  made  no  change 
in  his  demeanor.  Deliberately  and  calmly  he 
began  to  prepare  for  his  departure,  and  performed 
the  preliminary'  work  in  the  composition  of  his 
^uge  and  the  selection  of  his  staff,  as  unosten 
tatiously  as  if  they  were  in  the  ordinary  course  of 
his  daily  employment. 

"  It  chance  will  have  one  king,  why,  chance  may  crown  me 
Without  my  stir." 


CHAPTER  V. 

FIRST   YEAR    AS  GOVERNOR. 

THE  office  of  Governor  of  the  State  of  New 
York  has  long  been  considered  the  fit 
reward  for  men  of  large  experience  in  pub 
lic  life,  great  natural  parts,  and  high  personal  char 
acter.  It  has  seldom  been  filled  by  a  small  man 
or  by  a  mere  seeker  after  place  and  power.  From 
the  earliest  days  of  the  history  of  the  State  it  has 
been  looked  upon,  not  only  in  the  State  of  New 
York  itself,  but  throughout  the  Union,  as  an  office 
scarcely  lower  in  dignity  and  importance  than  the 
Presidency  of  the  United  States. 

During  the  early  political  history  of  New  York 
as  a  State  in  the  Union  the  Presidency  was  prac 
tically  monopolized  by  Virginia  and  Massachusetts. 
During  this  time,  however,  the  Vice-Presidency, 
then  deemed  of  much  greater  relative  importance 
than  now,  and  generally  representing  the  second 
choice  of  the  electors  for  President,  was  filled  for 
five  terms  out  of  a  possible  six  by  natives  and 
residents  of  New  York  between  the  time  of  the 
accession  of  Thomas  Jefferson  and  the  retirement 
of  James  Monroe.  Two  of  the  men  so  honored, 
George  Clinton  and  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  had 

61 


g.  LIFE  OF  GROVE*  CLZVELAtiD. 

been  Governors  of  their  State.  With  the  election 
<>f  Martin  Van  Buren  to  the  Presidency,  in  1836, 
the  Presidency  ceased  to  be  the  heritage  of  any 
one  or  two  States  of  the  Union,  and  since  that 
time  the  country  has  always  looked  with  hope  and 
expectancy  to  the  Gubernatorial  choice  of  the 
State  of  New  York  for  men  to  honor  with  the 

idency  of  the  United  States.     The  names  of 

!  Wright,  William  L.  Marcy,  William  H.  Sew- 
:ird,  Horatio  Seymour,  and  Samuel  J.  Tilden  are 
familiar  household  words  in  our  political  history 
as  aspirants  for  nomination  or  election  to  the  high 

:  of  President.     Of  these,  only  the  two  latter 

received  the  recognition  of  nomination,  and 

the  latter  was  the  only  Governor  of   his  State 

elected  to  the  Presidency  after  the  success  of  Mr. 

Van  Buren  in  1836. 

With  all  these  examples  at  hand,  it  should  have 
been  no  occasion  for  surprise  that  Grover  Cleve 
land  was  looked  upon  with  unusual  interest  after 
his  election  to  the  Governorship  by  a  majority 
unprecedented  in  the  history  of  the  politics  of 
American  States.  That  he  was  comparatively 
little  known  added  to  this  interest.  The  element 

urprise.  that  a  man  of  such  slight  experi 
ence  in  the  larger  politics  of  the  State  should 
have  been  nominated  and  elected  was  rein 
forced  by  a  feeling  of  anticipation,  an  eager 
demand  to  know  what  he  would  do  in  the  office, 
that  he  had  reached  it  under  such  exceptional 


FIRS  7^  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR.  ^ 

circumstances.  He  had  not  come  to  the  office 
as  the  result  of  political  management,  of  long  ser 
vice  in  one  or  the  other  branch  of  the  Legislature, 
nor  of  great  and  widely  recognized  distinction  in  his 
profession.  He  was  simply  known  as  an  honest 
man,  of  good  ability,  who,  in  whatever  station  he 
had  been  called  to  fill,  had  done  his  duty  without 
fear  or  favor.  While  this  lack  of  familiarity  with 
politics  and  political  movements  undoubtedly  had 
its  drawbacks  and  disadvantages,  which  raised  in 

o 

the  mind  of  the  new  Governor  many  doubts  and 
apprehensions,  it  had  many  compensations.  It 
left  him  free-handed  and  independent.  He  was 
not  tied  up  with  obligations  to  persons,  localities, 
or  interests.  Trained  to  consider  questions  on 
their  merits  by  the  exacting  duties  of  long  prac 
tice  of  the  law,  he  could  look  fairly  and  fully  at 
every  public  question  as  it  came  up,  and  decide  as 
his  judgment  and  honesty  of  purpose  would  direct. 
The  people  of  New  York  were  not  long  in  find 
ing  out  that  this  was  the  very  thing  which  Governor 
Cleveland  was  determined  to  do.  His  first  mes 
sage  was  something  of  a  disappointment,  only 
because  events  had  moved  so  rapidly  in  bringing 
him  into  unnatural  prominence  as  to  raise  extrav 
agant  expectations.  But  it  was  mainly  disap 
pointing  because  it  lacked  the  self-assertive  dog 
matism  which  the  people  of  New  York  had  lorny 
been  trained  to  expect  from  a  Governor,  especially 
from  a  new  one. 


£4  LlfE  OF  C ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

But  familiarity  with  the  duties  and  obligations, 

as  well  as  with  the   power  and   the    rights   con-. 

1  upon  the  Governorship,  came  rapidly.  Then 

•sitation  disappeared,  and  the  people  of  the 

country,  as  well  as  those  of  New  York,  found  thai 

er  Cleveland  not  only  knew  how  to  govern, 

hut  that  he  was  determined  to  be  Governor. 

!!(•  early   learned    to  use   without    mercy    the 
wrapon  of  the  veto  power,  almost  autocratically 

rd  with  the  Governor  of  New  York  by  the 
new  Constitution.  Between  the  26th  of  January 
and  the  ist  of  March  he  sent  to  the  Legislature 
right  veto  messages.  These  documents  clearly 

'ose  his  purposes.  In  one,  he  refused  to  per 
mit  the  county  of  Montgomery  to  borrow  money. 
In  another  he  refused  his  consent  to  an  amend 
ment  of  the  charter  of  Elmira  which  was  intended 
to  change  the  liability  of  the  city  for  injuries  re 
ceived  in  consequence  of  the  streets  being  in  an 
unsafe  and  dangerous  condition.  He  refused  his 
signature  to  a  bill  which  would  have  relieved  the 
library  association  of  Fredonia  from  the  payment 
of  local  taxes,  and  to  one  that  authorized  the 

ity  of  Chautauqua  to  appropriate  money  for 
a  soldiers'  monument.  He  vetoed  an  act  author 

;  the  village  of  Fayetteville,  where  he  had  lived 

< lu ring  his  boyhood,  to  borrow  money  for  the  pur- 

of  purchasing  a  steam  fire-engine,  and  also 

one  authorizing  the  village  of  Mechanicsville  to 

ow  money  for  the  same  purpose. 


FIRS 7'  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR.  5- 

By  these  vetoes  he  showed  that  he  was  deter 
mined  to  adhere  to  the  rule  which  had  crov- 

t> 

erned  him  while  Mayor  of  Buffalo,  and  to  deal 
with  the  public  moneys  on  the  principle  that  offi 
cials  are  the  trustees  of  the  people. 

He  did  not,  however,  confine  his  use  of  the 
veto  power  to  bills  intended  to  prevent  the  ex 
penditure  of  small  sums  of  money  by  village  or 
town  or  county  authorities.  He  even  dared  to 
run  the  risk  of  unpopularity  by  the  veto  of  a  bill 
fixing  a  uniform  rate  of  five  cents  as  fare  on  the 

o 

elevated  railroads  of  the  city  of  New  York.  That 
city  had  suffered  severely  by  the  unjust  exactions 
of  the  roads  in  question,  and  a  strong  popular 
sentiment  had  been  developed  which  demanded 
that  new  restrictions  should  be  imposed.  But 
the  form  in  which  the  Legislature  sought  to  em 
body  this  sentiment  was  so  unsatisfactory  and  its 
effects  would  have  been  so  far-reaching  that  the 
Governor  saw  danger  and  injustice  ahead.  It 
was  insisted  by  opponents  of  the  measure,  who 
had  no  interest  in  the  roads  involved,  that  for  a 
commercial  community  like  New  York  to  disregard 
the  implied  obligation  which  had  arisen  between 
the  State  and  its  citizens,  and  between  the  State 
and  citizens  of  other  States  and  countries,  would 
be,  in  the  judgment  of  many  thoughtful  men,  a 
dangerous  and  pernicious  act.  This  latter  view 
was  taken  by  the  Governor  in  the  following  ex 
tract  from  his  veto  message: 


LirE.    or  GROTER  C.  \ND. 

M  I>i:i    we  have  especially  in   our  keeping  the 
honor  and  good  faith  of  a  great  State,  and  we 
should  see  to  it  that  no  suspicion  attaches,  through 
any  act  of  ours,  to  the  fair  fame  of  the  Common- 
;h.     The  State   should   not  only  be  strictly 
just,  but  scrupulously  fair,  and  in  its  relations  to 
the  citizen  every  legal  ancj  moral  obligation  should 
;nized.     This  can  only  be  done    by  legis 
lating   without   vindictiveness   or   prejudice,  and 
with  a  firm  determination  to  deal  justly  and  fairly 
with  those  from  whom  we  exact  obedience." 
1 1<:  rejected  the  advice  given  in  many  quarters 
rmit  the  bill   to  become  a  law  without  his 
iture,  and  put  himself  upon  high  ground  by 
ig  in  his  message,  "I  am  convinced,  that  in 
all  cases  the  share  which  falls  upon  the  Executive 
rding  the  legislation  of  the  State,  should  be 
in  no  manner  evaded,  but  fairly  met  by  the  ex- 
sion  of  his  carefully  guarded  and  unbiased 
judgment." 

is  courage  challenged  admiration  even  from 

.10  did  not  agree  with  his  position  and  who 

red  from  him  in  political  opinion.     The  result 

to   give  him   popularity   with  people  of  his 

cause  they  were  convinced  that  whatever 

did,  whatever  position  he  took,  their  safety  and 

ts  would  be  consulted. 
.mi<:   independent  position   was  assumed 
caling  with  bills  reorganizing  the  Fire  Depart- 
'  in  IJulTulo,  a  measure  which  would  have  con- 


GOVERNOR'S  MANSION  ..ALBANY,  N.  Y. 


FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR 

OQ 

ferred  a  supposed  advantage  upon  his  own  party. 
Other  bills  affecting  the  city  of  New  York  and 
having  back  of  them  considerable  support  in 
public  sentiment,  were  subjected  to  the  same  re 
lentless  examination  and  rejected  when  it  ap 
peared  to  the  Governor  that  they  did  not  accord 
with  the  interests  of  the  people  of  his  State. 

During  his  first  year  as  Governor  it  fell  to  his 
lot  to  make  a  large  number  of  appointments  to  fill 
vacancies  in  public  offices.  He  undertook  co 
apply  to  this  duty  the  same  principles  which 
governed  his  conduct  in  dealing  with  questions 
more  strictly  financial  or  business  in  their  scope. 
He  gave  heed  to  the  demands  of  his  party,  re 
cognizing  in  general  that  it  is  neither  possible  nor 
desirable  to  separate  important  or  responsible 
places  from  accountability  to  the  sentiment  domi 
nant  among  the  people  of  a  given  locality.  But 
this  devotion  to  his  own  party  was  always  accom 
panied  by  the  most  exacting  demands  of  fitness, 
capacity  and  character  in  the  applicant.  Wher 
ever  it  was  possible  to  do  so  he  recognized  the 
system  of  merit  by  which  men  having  special 
fitness  or  experience  in  given  lines  were  promoted. 
He  made  the  assistant  in  the  Insurance  Depart 
ment  its  chief;  he  appointed  a  builder  of  charac 
ter  as  Commissioner  of  the  Capitol,  and  made  a 
business  man,  whose  qualifications  he  knew, 
Superintendent  of  the  same  building.  The 
Superintendency  of  Public  Works,  a  place  which 


*0  LIFE  Of  GROVEK  CLEVELAND. 

had  often  been  filled  by  mere  partisans  with  little 
regard  to  fitness,  was  given  to  a  man  whose  long 
ricnce  in  the  management  of  the  canals  had 
made  him  practical  and  thorough.     The  Railroad 
Commission,    the    appointment    of    the    original 
nvmbers  of  which  was  imposed  upon  Mr.  Cleve 
land  during  his  first  year's   service  as  Governor, 
-elected  with  such  judgment  that  the  choice 
general  party  and  public  satisfaction.      It 
justified  his  confidence  and  that  of  the  people  of 
Mate  by  doing  its  work  so  faithfully  and  well 
that  there  has  probably  been  less  irritation  or  ill- 
frding  between  the  people  and  the  railroads  in 
NY\v  York  than  in  any  other  State  in  the  Union. 
r  several  years  the  labor  question  had  been 
-radually  coming  to  the   front  in   New  York  as 
one  of  the  most  important   to  be   dealt  with  by 
political     parties,     Legislatures,     and     executive 
officers.     The  peculiar  character  of  the  working 
;  ilc  of  New  York   city   had   had   much  to  do 
with  giving  the  question  importance.     In  addition 
to  maintaining  its  supremacy  as  the  first  commer 
•  ial   city   of  the  Western   world,  it  had   recently 
become  the  largest  centre  for  manufacturing  in 
dustries.      This  had   the   effect  of  introducing  a 
population  which  for  variety  in  origin,  ideas,  and 
ts   could   be   found   nowhere  else.     Many 
impracticable  measures  were  proposed  from  time 
'me   by  the  accepted  representatives   of  the 
labor  interests,  toeether  with   others  which  were 


FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR.  j{ 

principally  distinguished  for  crudeness  and  ineffi 
ciency.  Some  such  measures  had  been  permitted 
to  become  laws,  perhaps,  in  some  cases,  from 
an  honest  desire  on  the  part  of  Legislators  and 
Governors,  but  in  most  instances  to  appease  what 
was  supposed  to  be  the  demands  of  a  large  and 
commanding  vote. 

The  platform  of  the  Convention  by  which  Mr. 
Cleveland  had  been  nominated  gave  distinct 
pledges  committing  the  Democratic  party  in  New 
York  to  the  enactment  of  certain  legislation  in 
the  interest  of  labor.  These  were  accepted  by 
Mr.  Cleveland  in  his  letter  of  acceptance  in  the 
following  language : 

"  The  platform  of  principles  adopted  by  the 
Convention  meets  with  my  hearty  approval.  The 
doctrines  therein  enunciated  are  so  distinctly  and 
explicitly  stated  that  their  amplification  seems 
scarcely  necessitated.  If  elected  to  the  office  for 
which  I  have  been  nominated,  I  shall  endeavor  to 
impress  them  upon  my  administration  and  make 
them  the  policy  of  the  State." 

Further  on,  in  the  same  letter,  he  says  : 

*'  The  laboring  classes  constitute  the  main  part 
of  our  population.  They  should  be  protected  in 
their  efforts  to  assert  their  rights  when  endangered 
by  aggregated  capital,  and  all  statutes  on  this  sub 
ject  should  recognize  the  care  of  the  State  for 
honest  toil,  and  be  framed  with  a  view  of  improv 
ing  the  condition  of  the  workingman." 


LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

The  Legislature  did  its  part  toward  redeeming 
these  promises,  and  bills  for  the  establishment  oi 
a  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  for  prohibiting  the 
manufacture  of  cigars  in  tenement  houses,  and 
forbidding  die  manufacture  of  woolen  hats  in 
penitentiaries  were  passed  by  the  Legislature  and 
signed  by  die  Governor. 

But  even  in  dealing  with  labor  questions  he  did 
not  yield  his  judgment  to  popular  clamor  when 
convinced  that  a  proposed  law  affecting  interests 
of  large  bodies  of  men  were  either  impracticable 
or  dangerous  in  principle.  For  this  reason,  he 
refused  to  sign  a  bill  which  reached  him  late  in  the 
legislative  session,  known  as  the  "  Car  Conductors' 
and  Drivers'  Bill ;"  it  proposed  to  prohibit  the 
exaction  of  more  than  twelve  hours  for  a  day's 
work  on  street  railways.  This  action  was  not 
taken  because  of  any  disapproval  of  the  objects 
sought  to  be  accomplished  by  the  proposed  law, 
but  upon  purely  legal  and  constitutional  grounds. 
The  bill  was  defective  and  unskillfully  drawn  in 
that  the  right  of  contract  between  street  car  com 
panies  and  their  employes  was  not  interfered 
with.  It  was  clear  that  the  law  could  never  be 
enforced,  as  experience  had  already  shown  in 
other  States. 

The  session  of  the  first  Legislature  under  Mr. 
Cleveland's  administration  as  Governor  of  the 
State  of  New  York  closed  with  credit  to  himself 
He  had  worked  hard  and  faithfully  to  redeem  the 


FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR.  ^^ 

promises  made  by  himself  and  his  party,  and  had 
achieved  a  larger  degree  of  success  than  gener 
ally  comes  to  men  under  such  circumstances. 
He  had  maintained  and  increased  the  respect  felt 
for  his  honesty  and  faithfulness  throughout  the 
State,  and  had  become  widely  known  in  every 
section  of  the  Union.  His  relations  with  his  own 
party  were,  in  general,  good,  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  they  had  been  severely  strained  with  certain 
sections  of  it.  Already  his  name  had  been  very 
generally  discussed  as  that  of  a  man  who  was  most 
likely  to  enable  his  party  to  regain  in  the  Union 
that  power  which  it  had  lost  twenty- three  years 
before.  But  he  made  no  avowals,  and  was  not, 
apparently,  to  be  turned  either  to  the  right  or  to 
the  left  by  this  consideration.  He  simply  did  his 
duty  as  it  came  to  him,  leaving  the  future  to  take 
care  of  itself. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

SECOND  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR. 

IN  his  second  annual  message  Grover  Cleve 
land  showed  that  he  felt  easy  in  the  place 
as  well  as  liked  it — something  which  he  con 
fessed  to  his  friends.  He  showed  more  and  more 
confidence  in  himself  and  in  his  ability  to  satisfy 
both  the  people  of  his  State  and  himself  in  carry 
ing  out  its  duties.  There  was  no  longer  uncer 
tainty  or  hesitation.  He  showed  that  he  knew 
what  measures  the  best  interests  of  the  State 
demanded,  and  he  recommended  them  with  that 
dogmatism  so  much  admired  by  the  people  of 
New  York,  and  which  ever  wins  for  public  men 
increasing  popularity  among  intelligent  people. 

Among  the  most  important  of  the  questions 
with  which  he  came  to  deal  was  the  relations  of 
corporations  to  the  State.  It  had  long  been  ap 
parent  that  many  evils  were  growing  up  about 
these  associations  of  men  and  money,  and  earnest 
men  of  intelligence  and  conscience  had  sought 
some  way  of  meeting  what  seemed  to  them  a 
serious  danger.  There  was  general  agreement 
to  the  proposition  that  if  the  widest  publicity 
roulJ  be  given  to  the  accounts  of  corporations 
74 


SECOND    YEAR  AS  G&fERNOR.  h{> 

created  by  the  State  the  beginning  of  the  end  ot 
the  evil  would  be  reached.  The  Governor  con 
sidered  this  phase  of  the  question  at  some  lengtn 
in  his  second  annual  message,  from  which  the  fol 
lowing  views  are  extracted : 

"  It  would,  in  my  opinion,,  be  a  most  valuable 
protection  to  the  people  if  other  large  corpo 
rations  were  obliged  to  report  to  some  depart 
ment  their  transactions  and  financial  condition. 

"  The  State  creates  these  corporations  upon  the 
theory  that  some  proper  thing  of  benefit  can  be 
better  done  by  them  than  by  private  enterprise, 
and  that  the  aggregation  of  the  funds  of  many 
individuals  may  be  thus  profitably  employed. 
They  are  launched  upon  the  public  with  the  seal 
of  the  State,  in  some  sense,  upon  them.  They 
are  permitted  to  represent  the  advantages  they 
possess  and  the  wealth  sure  to  follow  from  ad 
mission  to  membership.  In  one  hand  is  held  a 
charter  from  the  State,  and  in  the  other  is  proffered 
their  stock. 

"  It  is  a  fact,  singular  though  well  established, 
^hat  people  will  pay  their  money  for  stock  in  2 
corporation  engaged  in  enterprises  in  which  they 
would  refuse  to  invest  if  in  private  hands. 

"  It  is  a  grave  question  whether  the  formation 
of  these  artificial  bodies  ought  not  to  be  checked 
or  better  regulated,  and  in  some  way  supervised. 

"At  any  rate,  they  should  always  be  kept  well 
in  hand,  and  the  funds  of  its  citizens  should  be 


,-ft  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

protected  by  the  State  which  has  invited  their 
investment.  While  the  stockholders  are  the  own 
ers  of  the  corporate  property,  notoriously  they  are 
oftentimes  completely  in  the  power  of  the  direct 
ors  and  managers,  who  acquire  a  majority  of  the 
stock  and  by  this. means  perpetuate  their  control, 
using  the  corporate  property  and  franchises  for 
their  benefit  and  profit,  regardless  of  the  inter 
ests  and  rights  of  the  minority  of  stockholders. 
Immense  salaries  are  paid  to  officers  ;  transactions 
are  consummated  by  which  the  directors  make 
money,  while  the  rank  and  file  among  the  stock 
holders  lose  it ;  the  honest  investor  waits  for 
dividends  and  the  directors  grow  rich.  It  is 
suspected,  too,  that  large  sums  are  spent  under 
various  disguises  in  efforts  to  influence  legislation. 

o  o 

"The  State  should  either  refuse  to  allow  these 
corporations  to  exist  under  its  authority  and 
patronage,  or,  acknowledging  their  paternity  and 
its  responsibility,  should  provide  a  simple,  easy 
way  for  its  people,  whose  money  is  invested,  and 
the  public  generally,  to  discover  how  the  funds  of 
these  institutions  are  spent,  and  how  their  affairs 
are  conducted.  It  should  at  the  same  time  pro 
vide  a  way  by  which  the  squandering  or  misuse 
of  corporate  funds  would  be  made  good  to  the 
parties  injured  thereby. 

1  This  might  well  be  accomplished  by  requiring 
<  nrporations  to  frequently  file  reports  made  out 
with  the  utmost  detail,  and  which  would  not  allow 


SECOND   YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR.  yj 

lobby  expenses  to  be  hidden  under  the  pretext  of 
legal  services  and  counsel  fees,  accompanied  by 
vouchers  and  sworn  to  by  the  officers  making 
them,  showing  particularly  the  debts,  liabilities, 
expenditures,  and  property  of  the  corporation 
Let  this  report  be  delivered  to  some  appropriate 
department  or  officer,  who  shall  audit  and  examine 
the  same ;  provide  that  a  false  oath  to  such  ac 
count  shall  be  perjury,  and  make  the  directors 
liable  to  refund  to  the  injured  stockholders  any 
expenditure  which  shall  be  determined  improper 
by  the  auditing  authority. 

"Such  requirements  might  not  be  favorable  to 
stock  speculation,  but  they  would  protect  the  inno 
cent  investors  ;  they  might  make  the  management 
of  corporations  more  troublesome,  but  this  ought 
not  to  be  considered  when  the  protection  of  the 
people  is  the  matter  in  hand.  It  would  prevent 
corporate  efforts  to  influence  legislation ;  the 
honestly  conducted  and  strong  corporations  would 
have  nothing  to  fear  ;  the  badly  managed  ana 
weak  ought  to  be  exposed." 

It  would  be  difficult  to  find  in  the  record  of  any 
of  our  public  men  so  well-considered  a  plan  as 
that  here  presented,  dealing  with  the  glaring  evils 
of  legislative  and  official  corruption. 

It  was  only  natural  that  Grover  Cleveland 
should  devote  much  time,  thought,  and  attention 
to  the  discussion  of  municipal  affairs.  His  first 
political  office,  and  that  from  which  he  had  taken 


-.o  LIFE  OF  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

75 

his  way  into  the  higher  walks  of  public  life,  was 
that  of  Mayor  of  Buffalo.  During  the  time  he 
occupied  that  office  he  brought  to  the  discharge 
of  its  duties  a  purpose  to  do  what  lay  in  his 
r  toward  making  his  city  a  place  where 
h«  -alth,  the  material  independence  of  its  citizens,  and 
their  mental  and  moral  growth  might  all  be  pro 
moted.  In  was  in  the  Mayoralty  that  he  insisted 
upon  a  decent  economy  and  the  most  scrupulous 
fidelity  to  all  the  trusts  imposed  by  public  office. 
In  his  first  message  to  the  Legislature  he  had 

said: 

"They  [municipal  governments]  should  be  so 
organized  as  to  be  simple  in  their  details,  and  to 
cast  upon  the  people  affected  thereby  the  full 
responsibility  of  their  administration.  The  differ 
ent  departments  should  be  in  such  accord  as  in 
their  operation  to  lead  toward  the  same  results. 
Divided  counsels  and  divided  responsibility  to  the 
people,  on  the  part  of  municipal  officers,  it  is 
believed,  give  rise  to  much  that  is  objectionable 
in  the  government  of  cities.  If,  to  remedy  this 
evil,  the  chief  executive  should  be  made  answer 
able  to  the  people  for  the  proper  conduct  of  the 
rity's  affairs,  it  is  quite  clear  that  his  power  in  the 
selection  of  those  who  manage  its  different  depart 
ments  should  be  greatly  enlarged." 

And  again  he  said : 

'•  It  is  not  only  the  right  of  the  people  to  admin 
ister  their  local  government,  but  it  should  be  made 


SECOND    YEAR  AS  GOVEKXOR.  ^ 

their  duty  to  do  so.  Any  departure  from  this 
doctrine  is  an  abandonment  of  the  principles  upon 
which  our  institutions  are  founded,  and  a  conces 
sion  of  the  infirmity  and  partial  failure  of  the 
theory  of  a  representative  form  of  government. 

"If  the  aid  of  the  Legislature  is  invoked  to 
further  projects  which  should  be  subject  to  local 
control  and  management,  suspicion  should  be  at 
once  aroused,  and  the  interference  sought  should 
be  promptly  and  sternly  refused. 

"  If  local  rule  is  in  any  instance  bad,  weak,  or 
inefficient,  those  who  suffer  from  maladministra 
tion  have  the  remedy  within  their  own  control. 
If,  through  their  neglect  or  inattention,  it  falls  into 
unworthy  hands,  or  if  bad  methods  and  practices 
gain  a  place  in  its  administration,  it  is  neither 
har?h  nor  unjust  to  remit  those  who  are  respon 
sible  for  those  conditions  to  their  self-invited  fate, 
until  their  interest,  if  no  better  motive,  prompts 
them  to  an  earnest  and  active  discharge  of  the 
duties  of  good  citizenship." 

The  Legislature  of  1884,  accepting  this  theory 
and  acting  upon  what  was  the  drift  of  discussion 
in  the  city  of  New  York,  passed  an  elaborate  bill 
depriving  the  Board  of  Aldermen  of  the  power 
of  confirmation  of  appointments  to  certain  offices 
in  that  city,  and  lodging  this  power  in  the  hands 
of  the  Mayor  without  restriction.  In  some  respects 
the  new  law  did  not  meet  the  opinions  of  the  Gov 
ernor,  but  he  signed  it,  filing  with  the  newly  made 


§0  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CL£V£LAND. 

law  a  memorandum  of  the  reasons  which  had  led 
him  to  take  this  action.  Under  this  law  the  im 
proved  condition  of  municipal  politics  in  the  city 
of  New  York  has  become  apparent.  The  Board 
of  Aldermen,  shorn  of  their  coveted  power  of  con 
firmation,  has  not  been  able  to  maintain  the  old 
and  unnatural  importance  which  had  been  given 
to  it;  the  politics  of  the  city  has  had  opportunity 
to  lose  its  old-time  reputation  for  bargains  and 
bargaining,  and  there  is  a  very  apparent  improve 
ment  in  the  character,  not  only  of  the  officials  ap 
pointed  by  the  Mayor,  but  of  those  elected  by  the 
people  as  well.  Much  of  this  is  due  to  Mr.  Cleve 
land's  recognition  of  the  need  of  a  change  in 
municipal  methods,  suggested  by  his  own  expe 
rience  and  elaborated  by  his  industry  and  ability. 
That  much  still  remains  to  be  done  no  man  will 
question,  but  with  the  interest  which  has  been  ex 
cited  in  such  questions  and  the  intelligence  which 
is  being  brought  to  bear  upon  it  there  can  be  no 
serious  doubt  of  the  result.  When  this  is  assured 
history  will  give  due  credit  for  it  to  the  man  who 
is  now  President  of  the  United  States. 

As  Governor,  Mr.  Cleveland  recognized  the 
importance  of  the  National  Guard  of  New  York, 
and  did  much  to  revive  interest  in  its  citizen  sol 
diery.  He  selected  his  staff  not  for  ornamental 
purposes,  as  is  so  often  the  case  with  the  militia 
of  the  several  States,  but  with  a  view  of  getting 
the  most  efficient  practical  results.  He  was  care- 


&&COND    YEAk  AS  GOVERNOR.  gj 

ful  to  promote  the  true  interests  of  the  soldiers 
who  served  in  the  Union  army  during  the  Civil 
War,  approving  measures  giving  soldiers  and  sail 
ors  preference  for  employment  upon  public  works, 
and  the  provision  for  completing  the  records  of 
New  York  regiments  and  other  military  organiza 
tions  and  for  their  safe  keeping. 

The  pardoning  power,  one  of  the  most  respon 
sible  duties  of  the  Governor,  was  exercised  with 
care,  and  at  the  same  time  with  greater  frequency 
than  usual.  His  legal  training  and  practice  had 
evidently  convinced  him  that  the  power  of  trav 
ersing  the  sentences  of  the  vast  number  and  vari 
ety  of  courts  in  a  State  like  New  York  was  one 
which  imposed  the  most  serious  responsibilities 
upon  the  Governor.  The  constant  tendency  on 
the  part  of  a  certain  class  of  judges  to  impose 
"  cruel  and  unusual  punishments  "  is  one  of  the 
most  serious  of  the  time,  and  one  which  constantly 
needs  to  be  reviewed  in  order  that  justice  may  be 
tempered  with  that  mercy  which  is  its  highest 
attribute. 

Among  the  more  important  measures  passed 
was  an  Act  providing  for  the  appointment  of  a 
Commission  to  select  and  set  apart  such  lands  as 
might  be  found  necessary  for  the  preservation  of 
the  scenery  at  Niagara  Falls.  All  the  islands  im 
mediately  above  the  falls,  and  the  lands  upon  the 
main  shore,  had  early  in  the  century  been  sold  to 
private  citizens.  Some  of  them  have  been  devoted 


g2  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

to  manufacturing  purposes,  the  forests  upon  the 
mainland  have  been  cut  clown,  and  a  process  of 
deterioration  has  begun  which,  if  continued,  will 
soon  destroy  the  charm  and  interest  which  Niagara 
has  had  as  an  object  of  natural  beauty  and 
sublimity. 

It  had  been  some  time  in  contemplation  to  pre 
serve  Niagara  by  creating  a  State  reservation,  by 
removing  unsightly  constructions,  and  restoring, 
so  far  as  practicable,  the  scenery  to  its  original 
character.  The  efforts  in  this  direction  had  been 
thwarted  by  the  action  of  Governor  Cornell,  who 
had  indicated  that  if  the  proposed  measure  was 
passed  he  would  refuse  to  sign  it.  Governor 
Cleveland,  however,  showed  a  generous  disposi 
tion  to  the  undertaking,  and  encouraged  the  pas- 
sage  of  the  bill.  This  law  has  since  been  carried 
into  complete  effect  with  the  most  satisfactory  re 
sults,  and  the  State  Reservation  at  Niagara  Falls 
promises  in  due  time  to  become  one  of  the  most 
striking  of  the  landscape  features  of  the  State. 
Already  many  of  the  serious  abuses  which  formerly. 
met  visitors  to  that  great  natural  wonder  have 
been  removed.  The  Dominion  of  Canada  has,  on 
its  part,  carried  on  the  work  on  the  opposite  side 
of  the  river.* 

*  Much  of  the  credit  for  the  success  of  the  New  York  undertaking  must 
be  ascribed  to  the  late  William  Dorsheimer,  who  was  by  appointment  one 
of  the  original,  as  he  was  the  most  active,  of  the  Commissioners  having  the 
work  in  charge. 


SECOND   YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR.  g- 

In  brief,  every  question  which  engaged  the  at 
tention  or  the  energies  of  the  people  of  the  great 
State  of  New  York  found  in  Mr.  Cleveland  during 
his  "service"  as  Governor  the  most  intelligent  and 
industrious  encouragement.  The  reform  of  tb: 
State  Civil  Service  system,  the  protection  and 
preservation  of  the  forests  of  the  Adirondack!,, 
the  promotion  of  education  and  industry,  found 
in  the  Governor  of  the  State  their  most  active  and 
intelligent  support. 

A  speech  which  the  Governor  made  at  the  Albany 
High  School  contains  some  observations  which 
must  have  been  derived  from  his  own  experience. 
It  is  here  given  both  as  an  expression  of  his 
opinions  upon  important  subjects,  and  by  reason 
of  its  biographical  value.  He  said: 

"I  accepted  the  invitation  of  your  principal  to 
visit  your  school  this  morning  with  pleasure,  be 
cause  I  expected  to  see  much  that  would  gratify 
and  interest  me.  In  this  I  have  not  been  disap 
pointed.  But  I  must  confess  that  if  I  had  known 
that  my  visit  here  involved  my  attempting  to  ad. 
dress  you,  I  should  have  hesitated,  and  quite  likeh 
have  declined  the  invitation. 

"  I  hasten  to  assure  you  now  that  there  is  no< 
the  slightest  danger  of  my  inflicting  a  speech  upon 
you,  and  that  I  shall  do  but  little  more  than  to  ex 
press  my  pleasure  in  the  proof  I  have  of  tlir 
excellence  of  the  methods  and  management  of  the 
school,  and  of  the  opportunities  which  those  who 


s  LIFE  01<  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

attend  have  within  their  reach  of  obtaining  a 
superior  education. 

••  I  never  visit  a  school  in  these  days  without 
contrasting  the  advantages  of  the  scholar  of  to 
day  with  those  of  a  time  not  many  years  in  the 
past.  Within  my  remembrance  even,  the  educa 
tion  which  is  freely  offered  you  was  only  secured 
by  those  whose  parents  were  able  to  send  them 
to  academies  and  colleges.  And  thus,  when  you 
entered  this  school  very  many  of  you  began  where 
your  parents  left  off. 

"The  theory  of  the  State  in  furnishing  more 
and  better  schools  for  the  children,  is  that  it 
tends  to  fit  them  to  better  perform  their  duties 
as  citizens,  and  that  an  educated  man  or  woman 
is  apt  to  be  more  useful  as  a  member  of  the  com-' 
munity. 

"This  leads  to  the  thought  that  those  who  avail 
themselves  of  the  means  thus  tendered  them  are 
in  duty  bound  to  make  such  use  of  their  advan 
tages  as  that  the  State  shall  receive  in  return  the 
educated  and  intelligent  citizens  and  members  of 
the  community  which  it  has  the  right  to  expect 
from  its  schools.  You,  who  will  soon  be  the  men 
of  the  day,  should  consider  that  you  have  assumed 
an  obligation  to  fit  yourselves  by  the  education, 
which  you  may,  if  you  will,  receive  in  this  school, 
fur  the  proper  performance  of  any  duty  of  citizen 
ship,  and  to  fill  any  public  station  to  which  you 
be  called.  And  it  seems  to  me  to  be  none 


GOVERNOR'S  ROOM  IN  STATE  CAPITOL  AT  ALBANY,  N.  Y. 


YEAk  AS  GOVERNOR.  g? 

the  less  important  that  those  who  are  to  be  the 
wives  and  mothers  should  be  educated,  refined, 
and  intelligent.  To  tell  the  truth,  I  should  be 
afraid  to  trust  the  men,  educated  though  they 
should  be,  if  they  were  not  surrounded  by  pure 
and  true  womanhood.  Thus  it  is  that  you  all, 
now  and  here,  from  the  oldest  to  the  youngest, 
owe  a  duty  to  the  State  which  can  only  be  an 
swered  by  diligent  study  and  the  greatest  possi 
ble  improvement.  It  is  too  often  the  case  that  in 
all  walks  and  places  the  disposition  is  to  render 
the  least  possible  return  to  the  State  for  the  favors 
which  she  bestows. 

"  If  the  consideration  which  I  have  mentioned 
fails  to  impress  you,  let  me  remind  you  of  what 
you  have  often  heard,  that  you  owe  it  to  your 
selves  and  the  important  part  of  yourselves  to  seize, 
while  you  may,  the  opportunities  to  improve  your 
minds,  and  store  into  them,  for  your  own  future 
use  and  advantage,  the  learning  and  knowledge 
now  fairly  within  your  reach. 

"  None  of  you  desire  or  expect  to  be  less  in 
telligent  or  educated  than  your  fellows.  But  un 
less  the  notions  of  scholars  have  changed,  there 
may  be  those  among  you  who  think  that  in  some 
way  or  manner,  after  the  school  day  is  over,  there 
will  be  an  opportunity  to  regain  any  ground  now 
lost,  and  to  complete  an  education  without  a 
present  devotion  to  school  requirements.  I  am 
sure  this  is  a  mistake.  A  moment's  reflection 


/ IFE  Ofi  GXOl 'A A'  L 7, ^I'ELA A'2). 

ought  to  convince  all  of  you  that  when  you   have 

rim-red   upon   the    stern,  uncompromising, 

and  unrelenting  duties  of  mature  life,  there   will 

b  time  for  study.     You   will  have  a  contest 

;    forced  upon   you   which  will    strain    every 

o  and  engross  every  faculty.     A  good  educa- 

if  you  have  it,   will    aid  you,  but  if  you   are 

without  it,  you  cannot  stop  to  acquire  it.     When 

you  leave  the  school  you   are  well  equipped   for 

the  van  in  the  army  of  life,  or  you  are  doomed  to 

be  a  laggard,  aimlessly  and  listlessly  following  in 

the  rear. 

"  Perhaps  a  reference  to  truths  so  trite  is  use 
less  here.  I  hope  it  is.  But  I  have  not  been  able 
to  forego  the  chance  to  assure  those  who  are  hard 
at  work  that  they  will  surely  see  their  compensa 
tion,  and  those,  if  any  such  there  are,  who  find 
school  duties  irksome,  and  neglect  or  slightingly, 
perform  them,  that  they  are  trifling  with  serious 
things  and  treading  on  dangerous  ground." 

Before  the  meeting  of  the  Legislature  in  1885 
the  verdict  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  of 
"Well  done,"  had  been  pronounced,  and  Mr. 
Cleveland  resigned  the  Governorship  into  the 
hands  of  David  Bennett  Hill,  the  faithful  coadju 
tor  who  had  entered  office  with  him  as  Lieutenant- 
Governor  in  January,  1883.  With  the  exception 
of  Mr.  Tilden,  it  is  doubtful  whether  such  an  in 
dustrious  Governor  had  ever  been  seen  in 
Albany.  Mr.  Cleveland  went  to  his  room  in  the 


SECOND   YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR  A 

89 

Capitol  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  he 
seldom  left  it,  except  to  take  his  meals,  before 
midnight.  He  examined  every  bill  with  a  close 
and  critical  attention,  and  never  decided  upon  one 
with  whose  provisions  he  was  not  perfectly  fa 
miliar.  The  same  care  was  taken  with  all  other 
official  acts.  The  result  was  not  only  an  excel 
lent  performance  of  the  public  service,  but  the 
Governor  himself  received  a  severe  discipline  and 
a  wide  education  from  his  labors. 

After  his  resignation  he  retired  to  a  quiet  pri 
vate  residence  in  Albany,  where  he  devoted  him 
self  to  the  new  duties  to  which  the  favor  of  his 
countrymen  had  called  him.  He  received  delega 
tions  from  States  and  delegations  from  sections. 
He  gave  patient  audience  to  the  friends  of  men 
who  sought,  or  for  whom  was  asked,  admission 
into  his  Cabinet  as  Presidential  advisers.  He 
heard  men  who  wanted  office  for  themselves  or 
their  friends.  He  was  then,  in  the  hour  of  tri 
umph,  the  same  unobtrusive  man,  the  most 
modest  member  of  his  party,  over  the  great  and 
decisive  victory  achieved  with  him  as  its  leader. 

A  few  days  before  the  4th  of  March,  1885, 
he  went  to  Washington  as  the  guest  of  the  late 
President  Arthur.  He  was  received  with  many 
demonstrations  of  respect,  joy,  and  confidence  on 
his  way  to  begin  the  new  career  which  fate  and 
his  own  merits  had  marked  out  for  him. 

The  conduct  of  the  outgoing  President  toward 


go  LIFE  OF  GROWER  CLEVELAND. 

his  successor  was  marked  by  the  urbanity  and 
courtesy  which  had  characterized  Mr.  Arthur's 
demeanor  throughout  the  trying  times  of  his 
entire  Administration.  He  had  come  to  the  first 
office  of  the  country  under  the  most  painful  and 
embarrassing  circumstances.  Distrusted  by  the 
opposition  and  by  a  very  strong  faction  in  his  own 
party,  he  bore  himself  as  a  gentleman  and  a 
patriot.  His  unselfish  purposes  and  his  intelli 
gent  policy  alike  were  unappreciated  by  the 
Hlaine  wing  of  the  party ;  and  they  had  com 
passed  the  defeat  of  his  nomination,  only  to  be 
themselves  unhorsed  in  the  campaign. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

CANVASS    AND   CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

THE  disputed  result  of  the  Presidential 
election  of  1876,  the  death  of  President 
Garfield,  and  the  unexpected  accession  of 
President  Arthur  gave  to  the  political  campaign 
of  1884  an  interest  and  importance  which  had  not 
entered  into  any  preceding  political  contest  since 
that  of  1860.  The  clean,  dignified,  and  manly  ad 
ministration  of  President  Arthur,  and  especially 
its  tendencies  toward  tariff  reform,  had  not  given 
satisfaction  to  the  majority  of  his  party  ;  and  it 
early  became  evident  to  intelligent  and  impartial 
observers  that  he  could  not  secure  a  nomination 
to  succeed  himself.  The  dominance  of  Mr.  Blaine 
in  the  counsels  of  his  party  had  long  been  ac 
knowledged  ;  in  the  early  part  of  the  canvass  it  was 
clear  that  he  had  become  the  commanding  force. 
He  and  his  followers  had  had  a  brief  taste  of 
authority  while  he  was  occupying  the  office  of 
Secretary  of  State  during;  the  luckless  and  waver 
ing  rule  of  Garfield,  and  his  last  desperate  effort 
to  seize  the  standard  of  his  party  was  rewarded 
with  his  nomination  for  President,  Senator  John 
A.  Logan  being  named  for  second  place. 

93 


94  I-IF&  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  drift  in  the  Democratic 
party  toward  Mr.  Cleveland  was  scarcely  less  ap 
parent.  The  reform  and  progressive  elements  of 
the  party  represented  by  Mr.  Tilden  so  long  as 
he  chose  to  remain  their  leader,  had  begun  to 
look  toward  the  Governor  of  New  York  as  his 
natural  successor.  It  was  generally  conceded 
that  the  party,  having  been  so  long  out  of  power, 
must  make  a  nomination  which  would  not  only 
prove  attractive  to  the  voters  directly  attached  to 
its  principles,  purposes,  and  leaders,  but  one  which 
would  appeal  to  the  large  and  increasing  number 
of  independent,  unattached,  or  semi-detached 
voters,  always  found  most  numerously  in  the 
great  and  controlling  State  of  New  York,  and 
tvho  had  now  clearly  become  a  strong  force  in  the 
politics  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Cleveland's 
course  as  Governor  had  been  such  that  a  con 
siderable  element  of  his  party  in  the  State  of  New 
York  was  bitterly  opposed  to  his  promotion  to  the 
Presidency  of  the  United  States.  In  spite  of 
this  feeling,  the  State  Convention  held  at  Saratoga 
in  June,  1884,  to  select  delegates  to  the  Demo- 
cratic  National  Convention  called  to  meet  at 
Chicago  on  the  eighth  of  July  following  selected 
seventy-two  delegates,  who  were  not  placed  under 
instructions  as  to  candidates,  but  were  directed  to 
on  all  questions  as  a  unit.  Each  element  of 
arty  then  hoped  to  gain  control  of  the  dele- 


ion. 


THE  CANVASS  AND  CONVENTION  OF  iSS+          n- 

Meanwhile  the  canvass  was  going  on  in  other 
States  of  the  Union,  in  many  of  which  a  strono- 
sentiment  had  developed  in  favor  of  the  nomi 
nation  of  the  New  York  candidate  ;  so  that  when 
the  Convention  met  in  Chicago  party  sentiment 
had  pretty  effectually  crystallized  itself  around  the 
name  of  Mr.  Cleveland  as  the  most  available 
candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

The  National  Democratic  Convention  of  1884 
met  in  the  Exposition  Hall,  Chicago,  at  noon  on 
Tuesday,  July  8th.  It  was  called  to  order  by  ex- 
Senator  William  H.  Barnum,  of  Connecticut, 
Chairman  of  the  National  Committee,  who,  after 
prayer  had  been  offered  by  the  Rev.  D.  C. 
Marquis,  of  Chicago,  congratulated  the  assembled 
delegates  upon  the  sentiment  of  harmony  which 
pervaded  the  body  they  were  about  to  form  and 
proceeded  at  once  to  business  by  naming  as 
Temporary  Chairman  ex-Governor  Richard  B. 
Hubbard,  of  Texas,  who  spoke  at  some  length  on 
the  issues  of  the  clay.  Frederick  O.  Prince,  of 
Massachusetts,  was  made  Temporary  Secretary, 
Richard  J.  Bright,  of  Indiana,  Sergeant-at-arms, 
with  a  full  list  of  assistants  to  each  selected  with 
care  from  every  section  of  the  Union. 

Immediately  after  the  temporary  organization 
had  been  effected,  an  attack  was  made  by  the 
minority  of  the  delegation  from  the  State  of  New 
York,  known  as  the  "  Tammany  wing,"  upon  the 
unit  rule  which  had  so  long  governed  the  action 


Q5  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND 

of  National  Democratic  Conventions  when  in 
structions  had  been  made  by  the  States  from 
which  delegations  were  accredited.  A  long  dis- 
i-ussion  ensued  in  which  the  opposing  elements 
i  the  Empire  State  were  the  principal  disput 
ants,  after  which,  by  a  vote  of  463  10332,  the  Con- 
vmtion  decided  in  favor  of  the  retention  of  the 
unit  rule.  This  solidified  New  York  for  Cleve 
land  and  vastly  strengthened  his  cause  in  other 
States.  Committees  were  appointed  on  Perma 
nent  Organization,  Credentials,  and  Resolutions, 

i  posed  of  one  delegate  from  each  State. 
On  the  second  day  a  permanent  organization 
was  effected,  with  William  F.  Vilas,  of  Wisconsin, 
as  President ;  the  Temporary  Secretary,  Sergeant- 
at-arms,  and  assistants  were  declared  Permanent, 
and  Vice-Presidents  and  Secretaries  from  each  State 
were  added.  The  presiding  officer  in  a  long  and 
able  speech,  that  did  much  to  win  for  him  recogni 
tion  a  few  months  later  in  his  appointment  as 
Postmaster-General  in  the  Cabinet  of  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  laid  down  the  princi 
ples  upon  which  he  thought  the  canvass  should  be 
conducted  and  predicted  the  victory  which  followed. 
The  Committee  on  Resolutions  not  being  ready  to 
report,  an  animated  discussion  arose  over  the 
tion  of  naming  the  candidate  for  President, 
and  the  Convention  decided  that  this  should  be 
done.  The  roll  of  States  was  called  and  the 
•uiines  of  Allen  G.  Thurman,  of  Ohio  ;  Thomas  F. 


THE  CANVASS  AND  CONVENTION  OF  1884.         97 

Bayard,  of  Delaware ;  Joseph  E.  McDonald,  of 
Indiana;  John  G.  Carlisle,  of  Kentucky  ;  Samuel  J. 
Randall,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Grover  Cleveland, 
of  New  York,  were  formally  presented  as  candi 
dates  for  nomination  to  the  office  of  President  of 
the  United  States.  Nearly  all  the  second  day, 
together  with  the  day  session  of  the  third,  was  con 
sumed  in  speeches.  The  Committee  on  Resolu 
tions  reported  at  the  evening  session  of  the  third 
day,  July  loth,  and  immediately  after  the  adop 
tion  of  its  report  the  first  ballot  for  President  was 
taken,  with  the  following  result :  Cleveland,  392  ; 
Bayard,  170;  Thurman,  88;  Randall,  78  ;  McDon 
ald,  56;  Carlisle,  27;  Flower,  4;  Hoadley,  3; 
Hendricks,  i  ;  Tilden,  i.  Necessary  to  a  choice 
under  the  two-thirds  rule,  547. 

By  a  close  vote  adjournment  was  had  until 
eleven  o'clock  on  Friday  morning,  when  a  remark 
able  scene  occurred  in  the  effort  to  stampede  the 
Convention  to  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  of  Indiana. 
A  great  tumult  was  aroused  in  the  galleries  for 
half  an  hour,  at  the  end  of  which  time  Mr.  Voor- 
hees,  of  Indiana,  withdrew  the  name  of  Joseph  E. 
McDonald,  with  announced  purpose  on  the  part  of 
the  delegation  from  that  State  to  cast  its  vote  for 
Mr.  Hendricks.  As  the  ballot  proceeded  it  be 
came  apparent  that  Cleveland  was  the  choice  of 
the  Convention,  and  with  changes  in  the  vote  of 
many  States,  the  result  of  the  second  ballot 
was  declared  as  follows  :  Cleveland,  683 ;  Bayard, 


9S  LIFE  OF  GKOVER  CLEVELAND. 

§\y>  ;  Hendricks,  45^  ;  Thurman,  4  ;  Randall,  4; 
McDonald,  4.  Upon  the  announcement  of  this 
result  Mr.  Menzies,  of  Indiana,  made  a  motion, 
which  was  seconded  by  delegates  from  a  number 
of  States,  that  the  nomination  be  made  unani 
mous.  This  was  passed  without  dissent,  and 
Grover  Cleveland  was  declared  the  candidate  of 
the  National  Democratic  Convention  for  the  Pres 
idency  of  the  United- States. 

Adjournment  was  then  had  until  evening,  when 
nominations  for  Vice-President  were  declared  to 
be  in  order.  Upon  the  call  of  States  California 
presented  William  S.  Rosecrans ;  Colorado,  Jos 
eph  E.  McDonald  ;  Georgia,  John  C.  Black,  sec 
onded  by  Illinois,  and  Kansas,  George  W.  Glick. 
When  Pennsylvania  was  reached  ex-Senator  Wil 
liam  A.  Wallace  presented  the  name  of  Thomas 
A.  Hendricks,  of  Indiana,  and  asked  that  he  be 
nominated  by  acclamation.  After  some  discus 
sion  the  names  of  all  other  candidates  were  with 
drawn  and  the  vote  of  every  delegate  in  the  Con 
vention  was  cast  for  Mr.  Hendricks,  who  was 
thus  made  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party 
for  the  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States. 
The  ticket  was  completed  and  the  nominations 
ratified  with  such  an  outburst  of  enthusiasm  and 
demonstrations  of  applause  as  had  never  before 
been  seen  and  heard  on  the  continent.  After  the 
adoption  of  the  customary  resolutions  of  thanks 
the  Convention  adjourned  sine  die. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE     CLEVELAND-ELAINE     PRESIDENTIAL     CAMPAIGN. 

THE  campaign  which  followed  the  nomina 
tions  was  one  of  the  the  most  exciting 
and  bitter  known  to  the  history  of  this 
country.  It  was  rendered  particularly  so  by  the 
opposition  to  Elaine  of  a  large  numberof  indepen 
dent  voters  in  every  State  of  the  Union.  These 
men  had  been  Republicans  almost  to  a  man. 
Many  of  them  were  the  leaders  of  their  party  and 
had  been  prominent  in  its  counsels  from  its  or 
ganization.  Others  were  young  men  thus  early 
driven  out  of  their  party  because  of  a  recognition 
of  its  bad  tendencies  and  the  dangerous  character 
of  its  candidate  for  President,  Mr.  Elaine.  Mad 
dened  by  these  desertions  and  rendered  desper 
ate  by  the  prospective  loss  of  power  long  held  by 
the  aid  of  discreditable  methods,  the  National 
Committee  of  the  Republican  party,  aided  by  the 
close  friends  of  its  candidate,  invented  and  gave 
currency  to  outrageous  charges  against  the  pri 
vate  character  of  the  Democratic  candidate.  He 
met  these  with  a  pitiless  exposure  of  their  falsity, 
and  with  conscious  integrity  demanded  from  his 
friends  that  they  should  "Tell  the  truth."  This 

99 


I OO  LIFE  02-  GA'i'l  7.  A'  CL /-  /  7:  L.  I 

declaration  became  a  Democratic  watchword  dur 
ing  the  ensuing  canvass.  Of  Cleveland's  manly 
conduct  with  relation  to  this  phase  of  the  cam 
paign,  and  in  striking  contrast  with  the  attitude 
of  his  opponent  on  questions  deeply  affecting  his 
personal  integrity,  the  editor  of  Harper  s  Weekly, 
August  1 6th,  1884,  said: 

"  There  was  no  whining  about  his  private  bus 
iness  ;  no  seizing  of  letters,  and,  after  a  menacing 
pressure  of  public  opinion,  a  theatrical  reading  of 
such  parts  as  he  chose  and  with  his  own  com 
ments  ;  there  was  no  desperate  equivocation  and 
attempted  concealment.  'Tell  the  truth'  was 
the  only  reply — a  reply  which  showed  a  man  hon 
orably  unwilling  to  receive  any  public  trust  under 
false  pretenses/' 

SPEECH    OF    ACCEPTANCE. 

In  due  time  Governor  Cleveland  was  notified 
officially  of  his  nomination  by  the  Committee  ap 
pointed  for  that  purpose.  In  reply  he  made  the 
following  brief  and  pointed  address  : 

"Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee: 
'Your    formal    announcement    does    not,    of 

course^  convey  to  me  the  first  information  of  the 
suit  of  the  Convention  lately  held  by  the  De- 
)cracy  of  the  Nation,  and  yet,  when,  as  I  listen 

to  your  message,  I  see  about  me  representatives 
all  parts  of  the-  land  of  the  great  party  which, 


HON.   JOHN  M.   PALMER, 


CLE  VELAND  BLAMM 

claiming  to  be  the  party  of  the  people,  asks  them 
to  intrust  to  it  the  administration  of  their  o-Overn- 
ment,  and  when  I  consider  under  the  influence  of 
the  stern  reality  which  the  present  surroundings 
create,  that  I  have  been  chosen  to  represent  the 
plans,  purposes,  and  the  policy  of  the  Democratic 
party,  I  am  profoundly  impressed  by  the  solemnity 
of  the  occasion  and  by  the  responsibility  of  my 
position.  Though  I  gratefully  appreciate  it,  I  do 
not  at  this  moment  congratulate  myself  upon  the 
distinguished  honor  which  has  been  conferred 
upon  me,  because  my  mind  is  full  of  an  anxious 
desire  to  perform  well  the  part  which  has  been 
assigned  to  me. 

"  Nor  do  I  at  this  moment  forget  that  the  rights 
and  interests  of  more  than  fifty  millions  of  my 
fellow-citizens  are  involved  in  our  efforts  to  gain 
Democratic  supremacy.  This  reflection  presents 
to  my  mind  the  consideration  which  more  than  all 
others  gives  to  the  action  of  my  party  in  conven 
tion  assembled  its  most  sober  and  serious  aspect. 
The  party  and  its  representatives  which  as-k  to  be 
intrusted  at  the  hands  of  the  people  with  the 
keeping  of  all  that  concerns  their  welfare  and 
their  safety,  should  only  ask  it  with  the  full  appre 
ciation  of  the  sacredness  of  the  trust,  and  with  a 
firm  resolve  to  administer  it  faithfully  and  well.  I 
am  a  Democrat  because  I  believe  that  this  truth 
lies  at  the  foundation  of  true  Democracy.  I  have 
kept  the  faith,  because  I  believe  if  rightly  and  fairly 


i  c  2  L  IPX  D/'  'GR  o  VER  CLE  VELAHD. 

administered  and  applied,  Democratic  doctrines 
and  measures  will  insure  the  happiness,  content 
ment,  and  prosperity  of  the  people. 

"  If,  in  the  contest  upon  which  we  now  enter,  we 
steadfastly  hold  to  the  underlying  principles  of 
our  party  creed,  and  at  all  times  keep  in  view  the 
people's  good,  we  shall  be  strong,  because  we  are 
true  to  ourselves,  and  because  the  plain  and 
independent  voters  of  the  land  will  seek  by  their 
suffrages  to  compass  their  release  from  party 
tyranny  where  there  should  be  submission  to  the 
popular  will,  and  their  protection  from  party  cor 
ruption  where  there  should  be  devotion  to  the 
people's  interests.  These  thoughts  lend  a  conse 
cration  to  our  cause,  and  we  go  forth,  not  merely 
to  gain  a  partisan  advantage,  but  pledged  to 
give  to  those  who  trust  us  the  utmost  benefits  of 
a  pure  and  honest  administration  of  National 
affairs.  No  higher  purpose  or  motive  can  stimu 
late  us  to  supreme  effort,  or  urge  us  to  continuous 
and  earnest  labor  and  effective  party  organization. 
Let  us  not  fail  in  this,  and  we  may  confidently 
hope  to  reap  the  full  reward  of  patriotic  services 
well  performed.  I  have  thus  called  to  mind  some 
simple  truths,  and,  trite  though  they  are,  it  seems 
to  me  we  do  well  to  dwell  upon  them  at  this  time. 
I  shall  soon,  I  hope,  signify,  in  the  usual  formal 
manner,  my  acceptance  of  the  nomination  which  has 
n  tendered  to  me.  In  the  meantime  I  gladly 
'j,n  <-tyou  all  as  co-workers  in  the  noble  cause." 


CLEVELAND-BLAINE  CAMPAIGN.  IQ- 

FORMAL    LETTER    OF   ACCEPTANCE. 

Subsequently,  Mr.  Cleveland  wrote  and  for 
warded  to  the  Committee  of  Notification  the  fol 
lowing  letter,  which  sets  forth  more  in  detail  his 
ideas  of  the  issues  of  the  campaign : 

^ALBANY,  N.  Y.,  August  1 8th,  1884. 

"  GENTLEMEN  :  I  have  received  your  communi 
cation  dated  July  28th,  1884,  informing  me  of  my 
nomination  to  the  office  of  President  of  the  United 
States  by  the  National  Democratic  Convention 
lately  assembled  at  Chicago. 

"  I  accept  the  nomination  with  a  grateful  appre 
ciation  of  the  supreme  honor  conferred,  and  a 
solemn  sense  of  the  responsibility  which,  in  its 
acceptance,  I  assume. 

"I  have  carefully  considered  the  platform 
adopted  by  the  Convention  and  cordially  approve 
the  same.  So  plain  a  statement  of  Democratic  faith 
and  the  principles  upon  which  that  party  appeals 
to  the  suffrages  of  the  people  needs  no  supple 
ment  or  explanation. 

"  It  should  be  remembered  that  the  office  of 
President  is  essentially  executive  in  its  nature. 
The  laws  enacted  by  the  legislative  branch  of  the 
Government  the  Chief  Executive  is  bound  faith 
fully  to  enforce.  And  when  the  wisdom  of  the 
political  party  which  selects  one  of  its  members  as 
a  nominee  for  that  office  has  outlined  its  policy 


IO4  l-IFE  OF  GROVE R  CLEVELAND. 

and  declared  its  principles,  it  seems  to  me  that 
nothing  in  the  character  of  the  office  or  the  neces 
sities  of  the  case  requires  more  from  the  candi 
date  accepting  such  nomination  than  the  sugges 
tion  of  certain  well-known  truths  so  absolutely 
vital  to  the  safety  and  welfare  of  the  nation,  that 
they  cannot  be  too  often  recalled  or  too  seriously 
enforced. 

"We  proudly  call  ours  a  government  by  the 
people.  It  is  not  such  when  a  class  is  tolerated 
which  arrogates  to  itself  the  management  of  pub 
lic  affairs,  seeking  to  control  the  people  instead 
of  representing  them. 

"  Parties  are  the  necessary  outgrowth  of  our  in 
stitutions  ;  but  a  government  is  not  by  the  people 
when  one  party  fastens  its  control  upon  the  coun 
try  and  perpetuates  its  power  by  cajoling  and  be 
traying  the  people  instead  of  serving  them. 

"A  government  is  not  by  the  people,  when  a 
result  which  should  represent  the  intelligent  will 
of  free  and  thinking  men  is,  or  can  be,  determined 
by  the  shameless  corruption  of  their  suffrages. 

"  When  an  election  to  office  shall  be  the  selection 
by  the  voters  of  one  of  their  number  to  assume 
for  a  time  a  public  trust  instead  of  his  dedication 
to  the  profession  of  politics ;  when  the  holders  of 
the  ballot,  quickened  by  a  sense  of  duty,  shall 
avenge  truth  betrayed  and  pledges  broken,  and 
when  the  suffrage  shall  be  altogether  free  and 
uncorrupted,  the  full  realization  of  a  government 


CLEVELAND-BLAINE  CAMPAIGN. 

by  the  people  will  be  at  hand.  And  of  the  means 
to  this  end,  not  one  would,  in  my  judgment,  be 
more  effective  than  an  amendment  to  the  Consti 
tution  disqualifying  the  President  from  re-election. 
When  we  consider  the  patronage  of  this  great 
office,  the  allurements  of  power,  the  temptation  to 
retain  public  place  once  gained,  and,  more  than 
all,  the  availability  a  party  finds  in  an  incumbent 
whom  a  horde  of  office-holders,  with  a  zeal  born 
of  benefits  received,  and  fostered  by  the  hopes  of 
favors  yet  to  come,  stand  ready  to  aid  with  money 
and  trained  political  service,  we  recognize  in  the 
eligibility  of  the  President  for  re-election  a  most 
serious  danger  to  that  calm,  deliberate,  and  intelli 
gent  political  action  which  must  characterize  a 
government  by  the  people. 

"A  true  American  sentiment  recognizes  the  dig 
nity  of  labor  and  the  fact  that  honor  lies  in  honest 
toil.  Contented  labor  is  an  element  of  national 
prosperity.  Ability  to  work  constitutes  the  capi 
tal  and  the  waofe  of  labor  the  income  of  a  vast 

o 

number  of  our  population  ;  and  this  interest  should 
be  jealously  protected.  Our  workingmen  are 
not  asking  unreasonable  indulgence;  but  as  in 
telligent  and  manly  citizens,  they  seek  the  same 
consideration  which  those  demand  who  have  other 
interests  at  stake.  They  should  receive  their  full 
share  of  the  care  and  attention  of  those  who  make 
and  execute  the  laws,  to  the  end  that  the  wants 
and  needs  of  the  employers  and  the  employed 


IO6  /'//</;  OF  GROVE  R  CLEVELAND. 

alike  be   subserved,  and  the  prosperity  of 


tiv  country,  the  common  heritage  of  both,  be  ad 
vanced.  As  related  to  this  subject,  while  we 
should  not  discourage  the  immigration  of  those 
who  come  to  acknowledge  allegiance  to  our  gov 
ernment  and  add  to  our  citizen  population,  yet 
as  a  means  of  protection  to  our  workingmen,  a 
different  rule  should  prevail  concerning  those  who, 
if  they  come,  or  are  brought,  to  our  land,  do  not 
intend  to  become  Americans,  but  will  injuriously 
compete  with  those  justly  entitled  to  our  field  of 
labor. 

"  In  a  letter  accepting  the  nomination  to  the 
office  of  Governor,  nearly  two  years  ago,  I  made 
the  following  statement,  to  which  I  have  steadily 
adhered: 

"  '  The  laboring  classes  constitute  the  main  part 
df  our  population.  They  should  be  protected  in 
their  efforts  peaceably  to  assert  their  rights  when 
endangered  by  aggregated  capital  ;  and  all  stat 
utes  on  this  subject  should  recognize  the  care  of 
the  State  for  honest  toil  and  be  framed  with  a 
view  of  improving  the  condition  of  the  working- 
man.' 

"A  proper  regard  for  the  welfare  of  the  work- 
ingman  being  inseparably  connected  with  the  in 
tegrity  of  our  institutions,  none  of  our  citizens  are 
more  interested  than  they  in  guarding  against 
any  corrupting  influences  which  seek  to  pervert 
the  beneficent  purposes  of  our  Government;  and 


CLEVELAND-ELAINE  CAMPAIGN.  IO; 

none  should  be  more  watchful  of  the  artful  machi 
nations  of  those  who  allure  them  to  self-inflicted 
injury. 

"In  a  free  country,  the  curtailment  of  the  abso 
lute  rights  of  the  individual  should  only  be  such 
as  is  essential  to  the  peace  and  good  order  of  the 
community.  The  limit  between  the  proper  sub 
jects  of  governmental  control,  and  those  which 
can  be  more  fittingly  left  to  the  moral  sense  and 
self-imposed  restraint  of  the  citizen,  should  be 
carefully  kept  in  view.  Thus  laws  unnecessarily 
interfering  with  the  habits  and  customs  of  any  of 
our  people  which  are  not  offensive  to  the  moral 
sentiments  of  the  civilized  world,  and  which  are 
consistent  with  good  citizenship  and  the  public 
welfare,  are  unwise  and  vexatious. 

"The  commerce  of  a  nation  to  a  great  extent  de 
termines  its  supremacy.  Cheap  and  easy  trans1 
portation  should  therefore  be  liberally  fostered. 
Within  the  limits  of  the  Constitution,  the  General 
Government  should  so  improve  and  protect  its 
natural  water-ways  as  will  enable  the  producers 
of  the  country  to  reach  a  profitable  market. 

"  The  people  pay  the  wages  of  the  public  em 
ployes,  and  they  are  entitled  to  the  fair  and 
honest  work  which  the  money  thus  paid  should 
command.  It  is  the  duty  of  those  intrusted  with 
the  management  of  their  affairs  to  see  that  such 
public  service  is  forthcoming.  The  selection  and 
retention  of  subordinates  in  Government  employ- 


LIFE  OF  C ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

ment  should  depend  upon  their  ascertained  fitness 
and  the  value  of  their  work,  and  they  should  be 
neither  expected  nor  allowed  to  do  questionable 
party  service.  The  interests  of  the  people  will  be 
better  protected  ;  the  estimate  of  public  labor  and 
duty  will  be  immensely  improved  ;  public  employ 
ment  will  be  open  to  all  who  can  demonstrate 
their  fitness  to  enter  it ;  the  unseemly  scramble 
for  place  under  the  Government,  with  the  conse 
quent  importunity  which  embitters  official  life,  will 
cease  ;  and  the  public  departments  will  not  be 
filled  with  those  who  conceive  it  to  be  their  first 
duty  to  aid  the  party  to  which  they  owe  their 
places,  instead  of  rendering  patient  and  honest 
return  to  the  people. 

"  I  believe  that  the  public  temper  is  such  that 
the  voters  of  the  land  are  prepared  to  support 
the  party  which  gives  the  best  promise  of 
administering  the  Government  in  the  honest, 
simple,  and  plain  manner  which  is  consistent  with 
its  character  and  purposes.  They  have  learned 
that  mystery  and  concealment  in  the  management 
of  their  affairs  cover  tricks  and  betrayal.  The 
statesmanship  they  require  consists  in  honesty 
and  frugality,  a  prompt  response  to  the  needs  of 
the  people  as  they  arise,  and  the  vigilant  pro 
tection  of  all  their  varied  interests. 

"  If  I  should  be  called  to  the  Chief  Magistracy 
of  the  Nation  by  the  suffrages  of  my  fellow-citi 
zens.  I  will  assume  the  duties  of  that  hiirh  office 


CLEVELAtiD-BLAlNE  CAMPAIGN  \  \  1 

with  a  solemn  determination  to  dedicate  every 
effort  to  the  country's  good,  and  with  an  humble 
reliance  upon  the  favor  and  support  of  the 
Supreme  Being,  who  I  believe  will  always  bless 
honest  human  endeavor  in  the  conscientious  dis 
charge  of  public  duty. 

"GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

"  To  Colonel  WILLIAM  F.  VILAS,  Chairman,  and  D. 
P.  BESTOR,  and  others,  members  of  the  Notifica 
tion  Committee  of  the  Democratic  National  Con^ 
vention" 

INDEPENDENT  SUPPORT  OF  CLEVELAND. 

The  serious  and  earnest  tone  which  pervaded 
both  of  these  deliverances  commended  their  author 
to  the  hearty  support  of  a  great  body  of  electors 
whose  votes  had  been  seldom  of  late  years  cast 
for  Democratic  nominees. 

Among  the  prominent  Republicans  who  made 
speeches  or  otherwise  took  an  active  part  in  favor 
of  the  election  of  Mr .  Cleveland  were  George 
William  Curtis,  editor  of  Harper s  Weekly ;  Carl 
Schurz,  ex-Secretary  of  the  Interior ;  Rev.  Henry 
Ward  Beecher;  Colonel  Charles  R.  Codman,  Col 
onel  Thomas  Wentworth  Higginson,  Henry  L. 
Pierce,  the  late  Rev.  James  Freeman  Clarke,  all  of 
Boston  ;  ex-Senator  Wadleigh,  of  New  Hamp 
shire  ;  ex-Governors  Daniel  H.  Chamberlain,  of 
South  Carolina,  Blair,  of  Michigan,  and  Pound,  of 
Wisconsin;  Henry  C.  Lea,  of  Philadelphia,  be- 


I  12  LIFE  OF  GROV&R  CLEl'I .LAND. 

sides  hundreds  of  able  though  less  widely  known 
men  in  every  part  of  the  United  States  who 
were  active  in  the  promotion  of  the  principles  and 
the  success  of  the  Republican  party  so  long  as  they 
thought  its  candidates  creditable  and  honest  men. 
While  the  independent  candidacy  of  General 
Butler  and  his  support  by  the  New  York  Sun— 
which  journal,  late  a  supporter  of  the  Democratic 
party,  had  become  the  most  virulent  foe  of  its 
candidate — distracted  what  was  known  as  the 
"  Labor  vote  "  in  some  quarters,  the  candidacy  of 
Governor  St.  John  on  the  Prohibition  ticket  in 
equal  degree  weakened  the  Republican  party,  and 
diverted  from  it  a  considerable  part  of  its  strength 
in  close  States  where  it  was  not  easily  spared. 

Influential  independent  and  Republican  journals, 
like  the  Boston  Herald  and  Transcript,  the  New- 
York  Herald,  Times,  Evening  Post,  and  Harper  s 
Weekly,  the  Philadelphia  Times,  Indianapolis  News, 
and  the  powerful  and  effective  cartoons  and  cari 
catures  of  Puck,  gave  to  the  Cleveland  campaign 
a  journalistic  support  which  his  party  had  not 
enjoyed  for  a  generation  ;  and  they  were  a  tre 
mendous  factor  in  achieving  the  successful  result. 

Throughout  the  campaign  Governor  Cleveland 
bore  himself  with  great  dignity,  composure,  and 
self-reliance.  He  exercised  with  his  usual  dili 
gence  and  efficiency  the  functions  of  the  Guber 
natorial  office  in  Albany  ;  he  seldom  went  beyond 
the  borders  of  his  own  State,  and  never  neglected 


CAMPA1CX.  \  \  •• 

o 

the  duties  of  its  Chief  Magistracy  to  promote 
his  election  or  to  serve  the  purposes  of  the  party 
managers.  His  few  speeches  were  characterized 
by  the  same  seriousness  and  sincerity  which 
pervaded  all  the  utterances  of  his  official  career, 
and  one  ot  the  effects  of  the  popular  confidence 
thus  gained  was  seen  in  the  steady  increase  of  his 
support  in  business  and  financial  circles ;  the 
Commercial  Exchanges  of  New  York  and  other 
centres  of  trade  manifested  a  great  preponderance 
of  sentiment  in  his  favor. 

In  contrast  with  his  campaign  and  his  personal 
conduct  was  the  wild  pageantry  with  which  Elaine 
was  conducted  over  the  country,  culminating  in  a 
series  of  ovations,  dinners,  and  receptions  in 
New  York  city.  One  of  these,  a  select  assem 
blage  of  millionaires  to  do  honor  to  the  Republican 
candidate,  created  a  strong  feeling  that  his  election 
was  chiefly  desired  by  the  plutocrats  and  monopo 
lists  ;  at  another  a  misfit  preacher  named  Bur- 
chard  dropped  an  ill-timed  remark,  aspersing  the 
Democracy  as  the  party  of  "Rum,  Romanism,  and 
Rebellion,"  and  to  these  two  incidents  many  of 
Mr.  Elaine's  admirers  lay  the  accountability  for  the 
slender  adverse  plurality  which  lost  to  him  New 
York  and  the  Presidency. 

AMONG    OLD    FRIENDS. 

In  the  course  of  this  campaign,  and  when  the 
fiercest  attacks  upon  his  private  character  were 
being  made,  Mr.  Cleveland  made  a  visit  to  his  old 


1  14  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

home  and  to  the  friends  of  his  youth  and  manhood 
in  Buffalo.  On  October  2d,  1 884,  after  the  longest 
interval  of  absence  during  his  thirty  years  resi 
dence  there,  he  was  received  with  such  an  ovation 
of  enthusiasm  as  testified  that  his  hold  upon  the 
affections  and  esteem  of  his  fellow-townsmen  had 
not  weakened.  For  the  people  of  that  great  city, 
Henry  Martin,  President  of  the  Manufacturers' 
and  Tradesmen's  Bank,  welcomed  him,  and,  in  a 
speech  of  reply,  Governor  Cleveland,  referring  to 
the  significance  of  the  greeting,  said  with  great 
pathos : 

"It  tells  me  that  my  neighbors  are  still  my 
friends.  It  assures  me  that  I  have  not  been  alto 
gether  unsuccessful  in  my  efforts  to  deserve  their 
confidence  and  attachment.  In  years  to  come,  I 
shall  deem  myself  not  far  wrong  if  I  still  retain 
their  good  opinion  ;  and  if  surrounding  cares  and 
perplexities  bring  but  anxiety  and  vexation,  I 
shall  find  solace  and  comfort  in  the  memory  of  the 
days  spent  here,  and  in  recalling  the  kindness  of 
my  Buffalo  friends." 

To  the  great  business  men's  meeting  in  New 
York,  to  which  Mr.  Tilden  sent  a  letter  of  char 
acteristic  strength,  Mr.  Cleveland  spoke  with 
entire  acceptability^  and  in  his  Newark,  N.  J., 
speech,  near  the  close  of  the  campaign,  he  thus 
foreshadowed  what  has  come  to  be  the  supreme 
issue  of  political  discussion  in  the  closing  years 
of  his  first  term : 

"It  is  quite   plain,  too,  that  the   people  have  a 


CLEVELAND-ELAINE  CAMPAIGN.  \  \  5 

right  to  demand  that  no  more  money  should  be 
taken  from  them  directly  or  indirectly  for  public 
uses  than  is  necessary  for  an  honest  and  econom 
ical  administration  of  public  affairs.  Indeed,  the 
right  of  the  Government  to  exact  tribute  from  the 
citizens  is  limited  to  its  actual  necessities,  and 
every  cent  taken  from  the  people  beyond  that  re 
quired  for  their  protection  by  the  Government  is 
no  better  than  robbery.  We  surely  must  con 
demn,  then,  a  system  which  takes  from  the  pock 
ets  of  the  people  millions  of  dollars  not  needed 
for  the  support  of  the  Government,  and  which 
tends  to  the  inauguration  of  corrupt  schemes 
and  extravagant  expenditures. 

"  The  Democratic  party  has  declared  that  all 
taxation  shall  be  limited  by  the  requirements  of 
an  economical  Government.  This  is  plain  and 
direct ;  and  it  distinctly  recognizes  the  value  oi 
labor  and  its  right  to  governmental  care  when  it 
further  declares  that  the  necessary  reduction  in 
taxation  and  limitation  thereof  to  the  country's 
needs  should  be  effected  without  destroying 
American  labor,  or  the  ability  to  compete  success 
fully  with  foreign  labor,  and  without  injuring  the 
interests  of  our  laboring  population." 

In  the  last  speech  of  the  1884  campaign,  at 
Bridgeport,  Connecticut,  he  said: 

"The  world  does  not  present  a  more  sublime 
spectacle  than  a  nation  of  freemen  determining 
their  own  cause,  and  the  leader  whom  they  follow 
at  such  a  time  mav  well  fed  a  sober,  solemn  sens-- 


Il6  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

of  responsibility.  The  plaudits  of  his  fellows  he 
should  feel,  but  only  to  feel  more  intensely  what 
a  serious  thing  it  is  to  have  in  keeping  their  hopes 
and  their  confidence." 


Two  years  before,  when  there  opened  to  him 
the  wide  prospect  of  election  to  the  Gubernatorial 
chair  of  New  York,  he  had,  in  the  privacy  of  his 
own  family  circle,  written  the  following  letter, 
which  accidentally  came  to  light  in  the  campaign 
of  1884,  °nly  to  disclose  his  modest  and  yet  self- 
reliant  character,  his  consecration  to  public  duty, 
and  utter  disregard  of  any  other  consideration 
than  the  conscientious  exercise  of  solemn  trust: 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  BUFFALO,  N.  Y., ' 
November  7th,  1883. 

MY  DEAR  BROTHER: — I  have  just  voted.  I  sit 
here  in  the  Mayor's  office  alone,  with  the  excep 
tion  of  an  artist  from  Frank  Leslie's  newspaper, 
who  is  sketching  the  office.  If  mother  were  here 
I  should  be  writing  to  her,  and  I  feel  as  if  it  were 
time  for  me  to  write  to  some  one  who  will  believe 
what  I  write.  I  have  been  for  some  time  in  the 
atmosphere  of  certain  success,  so  that  I  have 
been  sure  that  I  should  assume  the  duties  of  the 
high  office  for  .which  I  have  been  named.  I  have 
tried  hard  in  the  light  of  this  fact  to  properly 
appreciate  the  responsibilities  that  will  rest  upon 
me,  and  they  are  much — too  much — underesti- 


ROSWELL   P.    FLOWER, 
Governor  of  New  York. 


CLEVELAND-ELAINE  CAMPAIGN.  117 

mated.  But  the  thought  that  has  troubled  me  is: 
Can  I  well  perform  my  duties,  and  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  do  some  good  to  the  people  of  the 
State  ?  I  know  there  is  room  for  it,  and  I  know 
that  I  am  honest  and  sincere  in  my  desire  to  do 
well,  but  the  question  is  whether  I  know  enough 
to  accomplish  what  I  desire. 

The  social  life  which  seems  to  await  me  has 
also  been  a  subject  of  much  anxious  thought.  I 
have  a  notion  that  I  can  regulate  that  very  much 
as  I  desire,  and  if  I  can  I  shall  spend  very  little 
in  the  purely  ornamental  part  of  the  office.  In 
point  of  fact,  I  will  tell  you,  first  of  all  others,  the 
policy  I  intend  to  adopt,  and  that  is  to  make  the 
matter  a  business  engagement  between  the 
people  of  the  State  and  myself,  in  which  the 
obligation  on  my  side  is  to  perform  the  duties 
assigned  me  with  an  eye  single  to  the  interest  of 
my  employers.  I  shall  have  no  idea  of  re-election 
or  of  any  higher  political  preferment  in  my  head, 
but  be  very  thankful  and  happy  if  I  can  well 
serve  one  term  as  the  people's  Governor.  Do 
you  know  that  if  mother  were  alive  I  should  feel 
so  much  safer?  I  have  always  thought  her 
prayers  had  much  to  do  with  my  success.  I  shall 
expect  you  to  help  me  in  that  way. 

Give  my  love   to  and  to  ,  if  she  is 

with  you,  and  believe  me, 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

GROVER  CLEVELAND. 


H8  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

The  State  election  in  Ohio  took  place  in  Octo 
ber  and  was  carried  by  the  Republican  candidates 
for  State  offices.  Mr.  Elaine  made  an  election 
eering  tour  through  that  State  during  the  latter 
part  of  September,  and  the  most  active  efforts  were 
put  forth  to  secure  a  favorable  result.  The  Demo 
crats  carried  Georgia  and  West  Virginia,  so  that 
the  State  elections  which  had  long  been  supposed 
to  influence  the  general  result  at  the  Presidential 
election,  were  deemed  an  offset  to  each  other,  Indi 
ana  having  ceased  to  be  an  October  State. 

The  election  was  held  on  November  4th,  1884, 
resulting  in  the  choice  of  electors  as  follows  : 


FOR    CLEVELAND. 

Alabama, 10 

Arkansas,    .........  7 

Connecticut, t  6 

Delaware, 3 

Florida,       4 

Georgia,       12 

Indiana,      . 15 

Kentucky 13 

Louisiana, 8 

Maryland 3 

Mississippi, 9 

Missouri,     . 16 

New  Jersey,        .......  9 

New  York,     . 36 

North  Carolina II 

South  Carolina, ,  9 

Tennessee .  12 

Texas, 13 

Virginia, 12 

West  Virginia, 6 


FOR    ELAINE. 

California, 8; 

Colorado,    .    .'• 3 

Illinois, 22 

Iowa,       ..........  13 

Kansas,        ........*  ^ 

Maine o 

Massachusetts, 14 

Michigan, 13 

Minnesota,      ........  7 

Nebraska,    ..''.. 5 

Nevada,       .........  'j 

New  Hampshire, 4 

Ohio, 23 

Oregon,  .    .    .  •<   w  :.'  V.    .  ..."   3 

Pennsylvania, 30 

Rhode  Island,    .......  4 

Vermont, 4 

Wisconsin,      n 


Total, 


182 


Total, 


219 


CLRVELAND-BLAIXZ  CAMPAIGN.  \  tg 

The  popular  vote  aggregated  as  follows: 

Cleveland, 4,874,986      Butler,     ........  173,370 

Blaine,       4,851,981      St.  John, 150,369 

For  some  days  after  the  election  an  attempt 
was  made  to  represent  the  result  as  doubtful  be 
cause  the  plurality  in  the  State  of  New  York  was 
small.  But  the  effort  was  so  decidedly  the  last 
expiring  hope  of  a  defeated  party  that  it  produced 
no  other  feeling  stronger  than  disgust  and  a  de- 

o  <^>  o 

termination  that  no  such  fraudulent  result  as  that 
of  1876  should  be  declared.  In  four  clays  after 
the  election  the  result  was  universally  accepted. 

The  managers  of  the  defeated  party,  in  their 
intense  disappointment,  vented  their  rage  partly 
upon  the  Prohibitionists,  and  to  some  degree  upon 
the  luckless  speech  of  Rev.  Dr.  Burchard ;  their 
deepest  resentment,  however,  was  exhibited 
against  the  so-called  "  Mugwumps,"  for  whom  no 
terms  of  reproach  were  deemed  too  violent.  The 
Independent  Republicans,  who  had  vainly  pro 
tested  against  Elaine's  nomination  and  had  con 
tributed  to  his  defeat  at  the  polls,  received  the 
abuse  now  heaped  upon  them  with  great  com 
placency  and  hopefully  looked  to  the  new  Admin 
istration  for  their  vindication. 

The  Democrats  over  the  whole  country  cele 
brated  their  victory  with  jubilees,  barbecues, 
parades,  and  varied  methods  of  popular  rejoicing. 
The  celebration  of  1876  had  been  premature; 
but  now  the  triumphant  party  gave  vent  to  dem- 


1  2O  LIFE  OP  GROWER  CLEVELAND. 

onstrations  of  unqualified  and  unrestrained  joy. 
Amid  all  this,  in  many  quarters,  were  heard  the 
warning  voices  of  discreet  leaders,  pointing  out 
that  the  victory  should  be,  interpreted  as  a  tri 
umph  of  the  better  elements  of  all  parties,  and  a 
narrow  escape  of  the  Government  from  threatened 
perils  rather  than  a  mere  partisan  achievement. 
Speculation  was  rife  as  to  how  a  comparatively 
untried  man  would  meet  and  deal  with  the  great 
responsibilities  of  an  office  coming  to  him  under 
the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  campaign  of 
1884. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

PREPARING    FOR    THE    NEW    ADMINISTRATION. 

CIVIL   SERVICE   REFORM — THE   SILVER   QUESTION. 

THE  interval  between  the  retirement  of 
Governor  Cleveland  from  the  Executive 
chair  of  New  York,  which  David  B.  Hill, 
the  Lieutenant-Governor,  was  now  called  upon  to 
fill,  and  the  inauguration  of  a  Democratic  Ad 
ministration  at  the  Federal  capital,  was  busily 
occupied  with  consultations  and  plans  for  the  re 
organization  in  Federal  power  of  a  party  virtually 
excluded  from  it  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  cen 
tury.  Chief  in  all  such  councils  and  first  among 
all  counselors  of  the  President-elect,  then  and 
ever  since,  was  and  has  been.  Colonel  Daniel  S. 
Lamont,  who  was  soon  to  be  translated  from  the 
position  of  Private  Secretary  to  the  Governor  of 
New  York  to  that  of  Private  Secretary  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States.  A  young  man, 
trained  in  the  best  school  of  New  York  politics, 
experienced  in  journalism,  quick  to  perceive  the 
value  and  character  of  men,  discreet  in  speech, 
and  efficient  in  commanding  the  largest  share  of 
information  from  any  visitor;  whether  he  has  an 
axe  to  grind  or  comes  merely  as  an  interested 

121 


I  j  i  Lll-E  O2<  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

observer  of  the  action  and  character  of  others 
— lie  has  shown  himself  the  most  intelligent,  as  he 
has  become  the  best  known  of  all  the  men  who 
in  the  arduous  and  difficult  post  of  Private  Secre 
tary  have  contributed  to  increase  the  interest  and 
the  pleasure  or  to  lighten  the  labor  of  men  in  the 
public  life  of  the  United  States. 

To  most  men  the  lack  of  all  experience  in  pub 
lic  life  in  a  Federal  office  would  have  been  a  seri 
ous  drawback  on  the  threshold  of  an  Administra 
tion  which  was  to  bring  back  to  the  country  the 
policy  of  a  party  long  excluded.  But  it  was  rather 
an  advantage  to  Grover  Cleveland.  He  had  none 
of  those  prejudices,  those  likes  and  dislikes,  which 
incessantly  surround  the  men  who  have  had  manjr 
years  experience  in  the  somewhat  artificial  and 
insincere  life  of  Washington.  He  did  not  know 
personally  any  large  number  of  those  with  whom 
he  was  destined  to  deal.  But  he  had  patience, 
the  faculty  of  investigating  everything  with  care, 
and  of  deciding  it  on  its  merits,  and  he  had  an 
insight  into  men  and  their  characters  which  is  rare. 

There  were  more  things  to  do  in  the  interval 
between  the  election  in  November,  1884,  and  the 
inauguration  of  March  4th,  1885,  than  the  mere 
choosing  of  men  to  carry  out  the  policy  of  the  new 
President  and  the  party  behind  him.  Delegations 
with  ideas  of  various  kinds,  which  they  were  anx 
ious  to  force  upon,  the  attention  of  the  powers 
that  were  to  be,  had  to  be  received  and  answered. 


PREPARATION.  125 

Eccentric  men  and  women  must  be  received  and 
treated  with  a  politeness  which  such  persons  at 
times  do  much  to  strain.  The  admonition  of  many 
well-meaning  persons  without  ideas  or  mission, 
but  with  a  capacity  for  curiosity,  had  to  be  accepted 
in  a  spirit  as  meek  as  was  consonant  with  the  fail 
ings  of  humanity.  Most  important,  and  most  dif 
ficult  of  all,  the  man  who  was  to  take  upon  him 
self  such  a  burden  was  compelled  continually  to 
enunciate  anew  .  the  principles  upon  which  '  he 
would  seek  to  shape  his  policy.  His  election  had 
been  promoted  by  the  support  of  a  large  and 
growing  class  of  men  in  politics  formerly  denom 
inated  by  the  somewhat  indefinite  name  of  "  inde 
pendent  voters,"  but  known  during  the  campaign 
and  since  by  the  title  of  "  Mugwumps  " — a  distinct 
ive  addition  to  the  nomenclature  of  politics. 

CIVIL-SERVICE    REFORM    LETTER. 

Before  his  retirement  from  the  Governorship, 
under  date  of  December  25^,1884,  Mr.  Cleve 
land  wrote  a  letter  to  Mr.  George  William  Curtis, 
President  of  the  National  Civil  Service  Reform 
Association,  in  which  he  laid  down  with  great  dis 
tinctness  the  general  policy  which  he  wished  to 
pursue  in  the  matter  of  removals  from  office  and 
appointments.  In  this  letter  the  President-elect 
said  : 

"  That  a  practical  reform  in  the  civil  service  is 
abundantly  established  by  the  fact  that  a  statute 


!  6^>  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

referred  to  in  your  communication  to  secure  such 
a  result  has  been  passed  in  Congress  with  the 
assent  of  both  political  parties,  and  by  the  further 
fact  that  a  sentiment  is  generally  prevalent  among 
patriotic  people  calling  for  the  fair  and  honest 
enforcement  of  the  law  which  has  thus  been  en 
acted.  I  regard  myself  pledged  to  this,  because 
my  conception  of  true  Democratic  faith  and  pub 
lic  duty  requires  that  this  and  all  other  statutes 
should  be  in  good  faith  and  without  evasion  en 
forced,  and  because  in  many  utterances  made 
prior  to  my  election  as  President,  approved  by 
the  party  to  which  I  belong,  and  which  I  have  no 
disposition  to  disclaim,  I  have  in  effect  promised 
the  people  that  this  should  be  done. 

"I  am  not  unmindful  of  the  fact,  to  which  you 
refer,  that  many  of  our  citizens  fear  that  the  recent 
party  changes  in  the  national  Executive  may 
demonstrate  that  the  abuses  which  have  grown 
up  in  the  civil  service  are  ineradicable.  I  know 
that  they  are  deeply  rooted,  and  that  the  spoils 
system  has  been  supposed  to  be  intimately  related 
to  success  in  the  maintenance  of  party  organiza 
tion,  and  I  am  not  sure  that  all  those  who  profess 
to  be  the  friends  of  this  reform  will  stand  firmly 
among  its  advocates  when  they  find  it  obstructing 
thrir  way  to  patronage  and  place. 

"  But  fully  appreciating  the  trust  committed  to 
my  charge,  no  such  consideration  shall  cause  a 
relaxation  on  my  part  of  an  earnest  effort  to  en 
force  the  law. 

"There  is  a  class  of  Government  positions  which 
are  not  within  the  letter  of  the  civil-service  statute, 
but  which  are  so  disconnected  with  the  policy  of 
an  Administration  that  the  removal  therefrom 


THE  PREPARA  TION.  j  2  J 

of  present  incumbents,  in  my  opinion,  should 
not  be  made  during  the  term  for  which  they 
were  appointed  solely  on  partisan  grounds,  and 
for  the  purpose  of  putting  in  their" places  those 
who  are.  in  political  accord  with  the  appointing 
power. 

"  But  many  now  holding  such  positions  have 
forfeited  all  just  claim  to  retention  because  they 
have  used  their  places  for  party  purposes,  in  dis 
regard  of  their  duty  to  the  people,  and  because, 
instead  of  being  decent  public  servants,  they  have 
proved  themselves  offensive  partisans  and  un 
scrupulous  manipulators  of  local  party  manage 
ment. 

"The  lessons  of  the  past  should  be  unlearned, 
and  such  officials,  as  well  as  their  successors, 
should  be  taught  that  efficiency  and  fitness  and 
devotion  to  public  duty  are  the  conditions  of  their 
continuance  in  public  place,  and  that  the  quiet 
and  unobtrusive  exercise  of  individual  political 
rights  is  the  reasonable  measure  of  their  party 
service. 

"If  I  were  addressing  none  but  party  friends,  I 
should  deem  it  entirely  proper  to  remind  them 
that,  though  the  coming  Administration  is  to  be 
Democratic,  a  due  regard  for  the  people's  interest 
does  not  permit  faithful  party  work  to  be  always 
rewarded  by  appointment  to  office,  and  to  say  to 
them  that,  while  Democrats  may  expect  all  proper 
consideration,  selections  for  office  not  embraced 
within  the  civil-service  rules  will  be  based  upon 
sufficient  inquiry  as  to  fitness  instituted  by  thosr 
charged  with  that  duty,  rather  than  persistent 
importunity  or  self-solicited  recommendations  on 
behalf  of  candidates  for  appointment." 


j28  LIFE  OF  G  ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

THE    SILVER    LETTER    OF    1885. 

Another  element  of  strength  to  Mr.  Cleveland 
in  the  exciting  campaign  which  had  just  closed  was 
the  general  impression  of  his  substantial  sound 
ness  on  all  financial  questions,  measured  by  the 
standards  of  Jefferson,  Jackson,  and  Tilden,  and 
by  the  general  acceptance  by  the  people  of  the 
country  after  many  years  of  agitation  of  the  dan 
ger  of  inflation  of  a  currency  worth  less  than  its 
face.  At  the  time  under  discussion  there  was  a 
general  fear  on  the  part  of  thoughtful  students  of 
financial  questions  that  disaster  would  finally  re 
sult  from  the  compulsory  coinage  under  the  law 
of  1878  of  a  minimum  of  two  millions  of  silver 
dollars  each  month.  Mr.  Cleveland,  a  short  time 
before  his  inauguration,  in  a  letter  under  elate  of 
February  28th,  1885,  and  addressed  to  Mr.  War 
ner,  a  representative  from  the  State  of  Ohio,  and 
others,  set  forth  his  views  upon  this  question  at 
considerable  length  and  with  much  positiveness. 
Besides  other  things,  he  said  : 

"  To  the  Hon.  A.  J.  Warner  and  others,  Members 
of  the  Forty-eighth  Congress. 

"  GENTLEMEN  :  The  letter  which  I  have  had  the 
honor  to  receive  from  you  invites,  and  indeed 
obliges,  me  to  give  expression  to  some  grave 
public  necessities,  although  in  advance  of  the 
moment  when  they  would  become  the  objects  of 
my  official  care  and  partial  responsibility.  Your 


THE  PREPARATION. 


129 


solicitude  that  my  judgment  shall  have  been  care 
fully  and  deliberately  formed  is  entirely  just,  and 
I  accept  the  suggestion  in  the  same  friendly  spirit 
in  which  it  has  been  made.  It  is  also  fully  justi 
fied  by  the  nature  of  the  financial  crisis  which, 
under  the  operation  of  the  act  of  Congress  of 
February  28th,  1878,  is  now  close  at  hand. 

"  By  a  compliance  with  the  requirements  of 
that  law  all  the  vaults  of  the  Federal  Treasury 
have  been  and  are  heaped  full  of  silver  coins, 
which  are  now  worth  less  than  eighty-five  per 
cent,  of  the  gold  dollar  prescribed  as  the  unit  of 
value  in  section  16  of  the  act  of  February  I2th, 
1873,  and  which,  with  the  silver  certificates  repre 
senting  such  coin,  are  receivable  for  all  public 
dues.  Being  thus  receivable,  while  also  constantly 
increasing  in  quantity  at  the  rate  of  $28,000,000 
a  year,  it  has  followed  of  necessity  that  the  flow 
of  gold  into  the  Treasury  has  steadily  diminished. 
Silver  and  silver  certificates  have  displaced  and  are 
now  displacing  the  gold  in  the  Federal  Treasury 
now  available  for  the  gold  obligations  of  the  United 
States  and  for  redemption  of  the  United  States 
notes  called  'greenbacks/  if  not  already  en 
croached  upon,  is  perilously  near  such  encroach 
ment. 

"  These  are  facts  which,  as  they  do  not  admit  of 
difference  of  opinion,  call  for  no  argument.  They 
have  been  forewarned  to  us  in  the  official  reports 
of  every  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  from  1878  till 
now.  They  are  plainly  affirmed  in  the  last  De 
cember  report  of  the  present  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  the  Speaker  of  the  present  House  of 
Representatives.  They  appear  in  the  official  doc 
uments  of  this  Congress,  and  in  the  records  of  the 


I  ?Q  L1PE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

\J 

Xew  York  Clearing-house,  of  which  the  Treasury 
is  a  member,  and  through  which  the  bulk  of  the 
receipts  ami  payments  of  the  Federal  Government 
and  country  pass. 

"These  being  the  facts  of  our  present  condi 
tion,  our  danger,  and  our  duty  to  avert  that  dan- 
--er,  would  seem  to  be  plain.  I  hope  that  you 
concur  with  me  and  with  the  great  majority  of  our 
fellow-citizens,  in  deeming  it  most  desirable  at  the 
present  juncture  to  maintain  and  continue  in  use 
the  mass  of  our  gold  coin,  as  well  as  the  mass  of 
silver  already  coined.  This  is  possible  by  a  pres 
ent  suspension  of  the  purchase  and  coinage  oi 
silver.  I  am  not  aware  that  by  any  other  method 
it  is  possible.  //It  is  of  momentous  importance 
to  prevent  the  two  metals  from  parting  company ; 
to  prevent  the  increasing  displacement  of  gold  by 
the  increasing  coinage  of  silver;  to  prevent  the 
disuse  of  gold  in  the  custom-houses  of  the  United 
States  in  the  daily  business  of  the  people;  to  pre 
vent  the  ultimate  expulsion  of  gold  by  silver.x 
Such  a  financial  crisis  as  these  events  would  cer 
tainly  precipitate,  were  it  now  to  follow  upon  so 
long  a  period  of  commercial  depression,  would 
involve  the  people  of  every  city  and  every  State 
in  the  Union  in  a  prolonged  and  disastrous  trou 
ble.  The  revival  of  business  enterprise  and  pros 
perity  so  ardently  desired,  and  apparently  so  near, 
would  be  hopelessly  postponed.  Gold  would  be 
withdrawn  to  its  hoarding  places,  and  an  unpre- 
o -dented  contraction  in  the  actual  volume  of  our 
currency  would  speedily  take  place. 

"  Saddest  of  all,  in  every  workshop,  mill,  factory, 
store,  and  on  every  railroad  and  farm  the  wages 
of  labor,  already  depressed,  would  suffer  still  fur- 


THE  PREPARA  TW 


'3- 


ther  depression  by  a  scaling  down  of  the  purchas 
ing  power  of  every  so-called  dollar  paid  into  the 
hands  of  toil.  From  these  impending  calamities, 
it  is  surely  a  most  patriotic  and  grateful  duty  of 
the  representatives  of  the  people  to  deliver  them. 
"  I  am,  gentlemen,  with  sincere  respect,  your 
fellow-citizen, 

"  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

"ALBANY,  February  24th,  i88st" 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE    INAUGURATION. 

ORGANIZATION  OF  THE    NEW  ADMINISTRATION — THE   CABINET  OFFICERS 
AND  HEADS  OF  DEPARTMENTS. 

AS  the  day  for  the  inauguration  of  the  Presi 
dent  drew  near,  public  interest  in  the  men 
who  would  be  chosen  as  his  constitutional 
advisers  became  more  and  more  aroused.  At  a 
comparatively  early  day  Mr.  Cleveland  adopted  a 
policy,  which  he  has  since  carried  out  with  much 
success,  of  giving  out  informally  and  unofficially 
indications  of  any  important  appointment,  message, 
or  policy  upon  which  he  had  determined.  In  this 
way  it  was  generally  known  that  Senator  Bayard, 
of  Delaware,  would  be  tendered  the  office  of  Sec 
retary  of  State,  nominally  considered  the  leading 
place  in  the  Cabinet  because  first  created  and  sur 
rounded  by  traditions  which  gave  it  this  rank  by 
Thomas  Jefferson,  the  first  incumbent  of  the 
office  under  President  Washington.  From  time 
to  time  hints  were  let-fall  as  to  other  members  of 
the  Cabinet,  although  no  official  announcement 
was  made  until  the  day  following  the  inauguration, 

when  their  names  were  sent  to  the  Senate. 
132  2 


STARTING    FOR    THE    INAUGURATION. 


THE  IN  A  UG  URA  TION.  j  ->  - 

The  day  fixed  by  law  for  the  inauguration  oi 
the  new  President,  March  4th,  1885,  was  the  most 
perfect,  from  an  atmospheric  point  of  view,  that 
Washington  had  seen  for  months.  The  President- 
elect,  accompanied  by  the  Vice-President-elect, 
Mr.  Hendricks,  and  members  of  the  Senate  Com 
mittee  appointed  to  escort  them  to  the  Capitol, 
went  at  about  half-past  ten  o'clock  to  the  White 
House,  where  President  Arthur  and  the  Marshal 
of  the  district  were  in  waiting.  A  start  was  made 
at  once,  the  carriages  falling  into  line  in  the  place 
arranged  for  them  by  the  Chief  Marshal,  General 
Henry  W.  Slocum,  of  New  York.  The  Regular 
Army,  the  Marines,  the  Navy,  the  Artillery,  the 
Marine  Band  and  detachments  from  the  militia  of 
several  States  contributed  to  swell  the  procession 
to  something  like  twenty-five  thousand  men.  As 
usual,  the  ceremonies  of  inauguration  were  per 
formed  at  the  east  front  of  the  Capitol,  and  in 
this  case  before  an  audience  estimated  to  number 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  Mr.  Cleveland 
was  dressed  in  the  regulation  Prince  Albert  suit. 
In  speaking  he  held  his  left  hand  closed  behind 
his  back,  usincr  his  ricrht  hand  for  making  the  cus- 

o  o  o 

tomary  gestures  of  the  public  speaker.  He  spoke 
without  manuscript,  as  is  his  wont,  and  in  a  clear, 
resonant  voice.  His  self-confidence  and  compo 
sure  were  as  marvelous  to  the  hundreds  of  more 
experienced  public  men  who  surrounded  him  as 
they  were  novel  and  yet  reassuring  to  the  people 


6  LIFE   OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 


of  the  country.     The  most  important  utterances 
of  his  inaugural  address  were  as  follows : 

EXTRACTS    FROM    THE    INAUGURAL 

"  Amid  the  din  of  party  strife  the  people's 
choice  was  made,  but  its  attendant  circumstances 
demonstrated  anew  the  strength  and  safety  of  a 
government  by  the  people. 

"  In  each  succeeding  year  it  more  clearly  ap 
pears  that  our  Democratic  principle  needs  no 
apology,  and  that  in  its  fearless  and  faithful  ap 
plication  is  to  be  found  the  surest  guaranty  of 
good  government.  But  the  best  results  in  the 
operation  of  a  government  wherein  every  citizen 
has  a  share  largely  depend  upon  a  proper  limita 
tion  of  purely  partisan  zeal  and  effort,  and  a  cor 
rect  appreciation  of  the  time  when  the  heat  of  the 
partisan  should  be  merged  in  the  patriotism  of 
the  citizen. 

"  To-day  the  Executive  branch  of  the  govern 
ment  is  transferred  to  new  keeping,  but  this  is 
still  the  government  of  all  the  people,  and  it 
should  be  none  the  less  an  object  of  affectionate 
solicitude.  At  this  hour  the  animosities  of  polit 
ical  strife,  the  bitterness  of  partisan  defeat,  and 
the  exultation  of  partisan  triumph  should  be  sup 
planted  by  an  ungrudging  aquiescence  in  the 
popular  will,  and  a  sober,  conscientious  concern 
for  the  general  weal. 

"  Moreover,  if  from  this  hour  we  cheerfully  and 
honestly  abandon  all  sectional  prejudice  and  dis 
trust,  and  determine  with  manly  confidence  in  one 
another  to  work  out  harmoniously  the  achieve 
ments  of  our  national  destiny,  we  shall  deserve  to 


THE  INAUGURATION. 


'37 


realize  all  the  benefits  which  our  happy  form  of 
government  can  bestow ;  on  this  conspicuous  oc 
casion  we  may  well  renew  the  pledge  of  devotion 
to  the  Constitution,  which,  launched  by  the  found 
ers  of  the  Republic  and  consecrated  by  their 
prayers  and  patriotic  devotion,  has  for  almost  a 
century  borne  the  hopes  and  the  aspirations  of  a 
great  people  through  prosperity  and  peace,  and 
through  the  foreign  conflicts  and  the  perils  of  do 
mestic  strife  and  vicissitudes. 

"  By  the  Father  of  his  Country  our  Constitution 
was  commended  for  adoption,  as  *  the  result  of 
a  spirit  of  amity  and  mutual  concession.'  In  that 
same  spirit  it  should  be  administered,  in  order  to 
promote  the  lasting  welfare  of  the  country,  and  to 
secure  the  full  measure  of  its  priceless  benefits  to 
us  and  to  those  who  will  succeed  to  the  blessings 
of  our  national  life.  The  large  variety  of  diverse 
and  competing  interests  subject  to  Federal 
control,  persistently  seeking  the  recognition  of 
their  claims,  need  give  us  no  fear  that  the  great 
est  good  to  the  greatest  number  will  fail  to  be  ac 
complished,  if  in  the  halls  of  the  National  Legis 
lature  that  spirit  of  amity  and  mutual  concession 
shall  prevail  in  which  the  Constitution  had  its 
birth. 

"  If  this  involves  the  surrender  or  postpone 
ment  of  private  interests,  the  sacrifice  of  local  van 
tages,  compensation  will  be  found  in  assurance 
that  thus  the  minor  interest  is  subserved  and 
the  general  welfare  advanced." 

ADVISERS    OF   THE    EXECUTIVE. 

It  was  not  until  the  next  day  after  the  inaugu 
ration  ceremonies  that  the  curiosity  of  the  country 


/  -  S  LIFE  OF  GR O  VEK  ( *L  /;  /  'ELAND. 

concerning  the  Cabinet  was  officially  gratified. 
Thomas  F.  Bayard,  Secretary  of  State,  had  seen 
long  service  in  the  Senate  from  the  State  of  Dela 
ware,  and  had  attained  such  prominence  that  he 
had  been  voted  for  in  three  National  Conventions 
as  a  candidate  for  President.  His  nature  was 
conservative ;  his  mind  was  trained  to  politics  from 
early  manhood  by  a  close  study  of  our  system  of 
government.  He  had  taken  high  rank  as  a  law 
yer,  both  in  the  practice  of  his  profession  and  in 
legal  arguments  before  that  august  body,  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States.  His  appointment 
as  Srrrctury  of  State  gave  general  satisfaction 
because  of  the  known  dignity  of  his  character, 
his  conservatism,  and  his  lack  of  those  fiery  and 
impractical  qualities  which  distinguish  demagogues 
and  men  of  so-called  "magnetism."  His  career 
in  the  State  Department  has  justified  the  hopes  of 
his  friends  and  confounded  his  enemies. 

The  man  selected  for  that  most  important  and 
difficult  office,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  was 
Daniel  Manning,  of  the  State  of  New  York.  He 
was  a  man  whose  career  illustrated  the  genius  of 
our  institutions  better,  perhaps,  than  that  of  any 
one  who  ever  occupied  that  office.  A  memberof  a 
worthy  family  in  his  native  State  of  New  York, 
he  was  early  apprenticed  to  learn  the  trade  of 
printer  in  the  office  of  the  Argus  at  Albany.  Here 
his  industry,  his  unfailing  good  sense,  and  his 
energy  gave  him  the  opportunities  he  needed. 


•,  -ffimMyWMmf^ 

THOMAS    F.    BAYARD,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 


THE  IN  A  UG  URA  TION.  j  4  j 

As  a  result  he  rose  rapidly  through  different 
grades  of  the  business  and  editorial  departments 
of  the  paper  until  he  became  its  editor  and 
owner.  With  business  prosperity  he  had  also 
entered  into  the  banking  business,  and  thus  turned 
his  attention  to  the  study  of  financial  questions. 
Always  active  in  politics,  he  rose  with  each  step 
of  his  business  and  professional  advancement  in 
the  councils  of  his  party,  until,  as  Chairman  of  the 
State  Committee,  in  the  first  Democratic  State  of 
the  Union,  he  became  the  Warwick  who  made 
Governors  and  Presidents  without  subjecting 
himself  to  the  charge  of  being  a  "  boss  " — that 
great  bugbear  of  the  modern  prudes  of  politics. 
He  had  early  recognized  the  qualities  of  Mr. 
Cleveland,  both  practical  and  available,  and  he 
was  the  earnest  and  successful  leader  in  direct 
ing  his  nomination  for  President,  as  well  as  a 
potent  factor  in  securing  his  election.  His 
career  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was,  taking 
its  brevity  into  consideration,  the  most  brilliant 
in  the  history  of  the  United  States  ;  and  when, 
after  less  than  two  years  service,  he  was  com 
pelled  to  resign  because  of  impaired  health,  he 
retired  with  universal  respect  and  admiration  of 
his  countrymen,  and  when  he  died,  early  in  the 
present  year,  he  was  as  sincerely  mourned  as  a 
loss  to  our  politics  as  if  he  had  been  for  many 
years  one  of  the  leading  figures  in  shaping  the 
policies  of  a  great  nation. 


142  Lll-E  01-   GROl'ER  CLEVELAND. 

For  Attorney-General  the  President  selected 
Augustus  H.  Garland,  of  Arkansas.  One  of  the 
ablest  lawyers  of  his  State,  he  had  been  its  Gover 
nor  in  the  troublous  times  of  the  carpet-baggers, 
which  so  tried  the  souls  of  honest  men,  and  he 
had  rendered  conspicuous  service  in  ridding  his 
State  and  section  of  these  human  pests.  His 
service  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  had  de 
monstrated  his  attainments  as  a  lawyer,  his 
patriotism  and  honesty  as  a  man,  and  his  useful 
ness  as  a  legislator. 

To  William  C.  Whitney,  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  was  confided  the  difficult  task  of  taking 
the  Navy  Department  and  of  redeeming  it  from 
reproach.  He  was  the  youngest  man  in  the 
Cabinet,  but  he  had  done  conspicuous  work  for 
the  cause  of  good  government  in  the  State'  and 
city  of  New  York  ;  and  as  corporation  counsel 
of  that  great  municipality  he  had  shown  the  energy 
and  executive  efficiency  which  in  his  present 
larger  sphere  have  made  his  department  clean 
and  respectable.  The  success  attending  his 
efforts  to  restore  the  navy  on  sound  business 
principles  has  justified  the  confidence  reposed  in 
him  by  President  Cleveland  ;  and  the  present 
political  "  solidity  "  of  New  York  vindicates  the 
wisdom  of  the  daring  experiment  of  taking  two 
Cabinet  officers  from  a  single  State. 

o 

For  Secretary    of  War,  William   C.   Endicott, 
who  had  seen  judicial  service  in  his  native  State 


AUGUSTUS    H.    GARLAND. 


THE  INAUGURATION. 

of  Massachusetts,  was  selected.  He  was  the 
least  known  of  the  members  of  the  new  Cabinet; 
but  the  absence  of  scandal  and  the  preservation 
of  discipline  in  his  department  show  his  honesty 
and  ability. 

The  Post-Office  Department  is  in  many  re 
spects  the  most  important  and  most  difficult  port 
folio  in  the  Cabinet  of  the  President.  Its  subor 
dinates  greatly  outnumber  those  of  all  others 
combined,  its  efficiency  is  tested  even  in  the  re 
motest  hamlet,  and  its  revenues  give  it  second 
place  in  rank.  Wm.  F.  Vilas,  of  Wisconsin,  had 
the  training  of  a  lawyer  who  had  always  been  an 
apt  and  ardent  student  of  politics.  He  gave  close 
attention  to  every  detail  of  the  work  in  his  De 
partment  and  rendered  excellent  service  in  it 
until  his  transfer  to  the  head  of  the  Interior  De 
partment  in  December,  1887. 

L.  Q.  C.  Lamar,  then  a  Senator  of  the  United 
States  from  Mississippi,  was  chosen  as  Secretary 
of  the  Interior.  Under  his  direction,  the  many 
and  serious  abuses  in  his  Department  were  cor 
rected.  He  carried  out  a  wise  policy  of  dealing 
with  the  Indians  under  which  peaceful  relations 
have  been  uniformly  maintained  since  March,  1885; 
he  inaugurated  reforms  in  the  affairs  of  the  Patent 
Office  ;  he  selected  careful  and  honest  men  to 
manage  the  Pension  Office  and  the  Agricultural 
Department;  he  took  firm  measures  to  bring  the 
delinquent  Pacific  Railroads  to  account,and  carried 


H6  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEl'ElAXD. 

out  in  the  most  conscientious  way  the  policy 
of  reclaiming  land  grants  to  railroads  after 
they  had  lapsed  because  of  a  failure  to  perform 
the  condition  of  the  grants.  His  course  in  office 

o 

fully  justified  the  choice  of  the  President,  and  his 
appointment  as  a  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court 

of  the  United  States  was  only  regretted  because 

j       £> 

it  took  him  out  of  an  executive  office  which  he 
had  managed  faithfully  and  well. 

The  first  vacancy  in  the  Cabinet  was  caused  by 
the  retirement  of  Daniel  Manning  from  the  office 
of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  He  was  succeeded 
by  Charles  S.  Fairchild,  who  was  promoted  from 
the  position  of  First  Assistant  Secretary.  He  had 
had  a  careful  training  in  the  larger  politics  of 
the  State  of  New  York,  where  he  had  rendered 
conspicuous  service  as  Attorney-General  in  pros 
ecution  of  the  canal  frauds  unearthed  by  Mr. 
Tilden  while  Governor.  He  has  shown  himselfa 
worthy  successor  of  Mr.  Manning,  of  whose  policy 
he  himself  has  always  been  a  faith firl  pupil  and 
follower. 

By  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Lamar  to  a  judge- 
ship  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  the  ensuing  trans 
fer  of  Mr.  Vilas  from  the  Post-Office  Department 
to  the  Interior,  Don  M.  Dickinson,  of  Michigan, 
became  Postmaster-General.  During  his  brief 
term  of  service  he  has  shown  the  industry,  hon 
esty,  and  executive  capacity,  as  well  as  political 
good  sense,  which  long  distinguished  him  as  the 


W.    C.    WHITNEY 


THE  INAUGURATION. 

head  of  his  profession  and  the  leader  of  his  party 
in  Michigan. 

HEADS    OF    DEPARTMENTS. 

Scarcely  less  important  than  the  selection  of  a 
Cabinet  of  constitutional  advisers  was   the  choice 
of  men  to  fill  those  offices   popularly  recognized 
as  of  the  second  grade,  the  duties  of  whose  posi 
tions  compel   them    none  the  less  to  study  and 
learn  the  details  of  their  various  departments, and 
upon  whom  the  President  and  the   heads   of  de 
partments    must    in    a    large     measure   depend. 
Among  the  men    thus   chosen;  and  chosen  with 
out  mistake,  were  John   Goode,  of  Virginia,  as 
Solicitor-General    of  the    United    States.       His 
nomination  was  defeated  in  a  partisan  Senate  by 
the  petty  malice  of  William   Mahone,  whose  ne 
farious  and  disgraceful  schemes  Mr.  Goode  had 
exposed  at  every  turn,  and   with  just,  unsparing 
severity.     Another  was  the  lamented  and  gifted 
Malcolm    Hay,   of  Pennsylvania,   whose    illness, 
soon  after  proving  fatal,  compelled  his  early  res 
ignation  as  First  Assistant  Postmaster-General. 
His  successor,  A.  E.  Stevenson,  of  Illinois,  charged 
especially  with  the  selection  of  fourth-class  post 
masters,  by  far  the  most  numerous  class  of  public 
servants,  has  carried  out  with  conspicuous  fidelity 
the  policy,  the  necessity  of  which  became    early 
apparent,  of  making  the   postal  service   effective 
by  removing  the  men   whose  only  desire  was  to 


/. />'.£  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

obstruct  its  operations  in  order  to  embarrass  the 
new  Administration.  George  A.  Jenks,  one  of 
the  foremost  lawyers  of  Pennsylvania,  who,  as 
counsel  for  Tildenbefore  the  Electoral  Commission, 
achieved  more  reputation  in  one  Congressional 
term  than  comes  to  most  public  men  in  a  lifetime, 
became  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  and 
was  a  terror  to  the  violators  of  the  land  and 
other  laws  with  the  execution  of  which  he  was 
charged.  He  was  finally  promoted  to  be  Solici 
tor-General  of  the  United  States.  Charles  S. 
Fairchild  and- Judge  Isaac  H.  Maynard,  of  New 
York,  together  with  ex-Governor  Hugh  J.  Thomp^ 
son,  of  South  Carolina,  have  done  good  work  as 
Assistant  Secretaries  of  the  Treasury;  while  Gen 
eral  William  S.  Rosecrans,  of  California,  as  Reg 
ister  of  the  Treasury;  Conrad  N.  Jordan,  of  New 
York,  as  Treasurer  of  the  United  States ;  Judge 
McCue,  of  New  York,  as  Solicitor  of  the  Treasury, 
and  Milton  J  ..Durham,  of  Kentucky,  as  First  Comp 
troller,  have  rendered  service  to  the  Treasury 
and  the  country  in  the  various  positions  of  trust 
to  which  they  have  been  called.  In  the  Interior 
Department  the  veteran  soldier,  General  Joseph  E. 
Johnston,  of  Virginia,  has  been  conspicuous  as 
Commissioner  of  Railroads ;  John  D.  C.  Atkins, 
as  Indian  Commissioner,  and  Norman  J.  Coleman, 
as  Commissioner  of  Agriculture,  have  adminis 
tered  their  important  offices,  so  large  as  to  be  of 
••he  magnitude  of  and  to  be  called  "  departments," 


f.    C.    ENDICOTT; 


'THE  INAUGURATION. 

with  honesty  and  efficiency.  Scarcely  second  in 
importance  to  a  Cabinet  office  is  the  great  Bureau 
of  Pensions,  which,  under  the  Commissionership 
of  General  John  C.  Black,  the  veteran  soldier  and 
.n aimed  hero  of  the  Union  cause,  has  been  ad 
ministered  with  a  promptitude,  efficiency,  econo 
my  of  expenditure,  and  liberality  of  construction 
unprecedented  under  Republican  administrations. 
Next  in  the  amount  of  receipts  to  the  customs 
service  itself  is  the  system  of  Internal  Revenue, 
which  constitutes  a  department;  to  the  head  of 
it  the  President,  with  his  characteristic  sagacity  in 
the  selection  of  men,  called  a  vigorous,  clear 
headed,  and  able  executive  officer  in  the  person  of 
Joseph  S.  Miller,  an  ex-Representative  in  Con 
gress  from  West  Virginia. 

To  the  wisdom  and  fitness  of  choice  displayed 
in  these  and  many  other  worthy  and  no  less  im 
portant  Executive  appointments,  and  to  the  sin 
gleness  of  purpose  with  which  the  appointees 
have  carried  out  the  President's  policies,  have 
been  largely  due  the  cohesion  and  success  of  Mr. 
Cleveland's  Administration. 

In-  the  diplomatic  service,  Edward  J.  Phelps, 
of  Vermont,  as  Minister  to  England ;  Robert  M. 
McLane,  of  Maryland,  as  Minister  to  France; 
George  H.  Pendleton,  of  Ohio,  as  Minister  to 
Germany;  George  V.  N.  Lothrop,  of  Michigan, 
as  Minister  to  Russia;  J.  B.  Stallo,  of  Ohio,  as 
Minister  to  Italy ;  Richard  B.  Hubbard,  as  Minis- 


1^4  /.//-'A  or  (,'A'Ol'A'A'  CLEVELAND. 

ter  to  Japan  ;  and  Thomas  M.  Waller,  of  Connect 
icut,  as  Consul-General  to  London,  are  only  some 
of  the  principal  appointments  to  a  branch  of  the 
service  of  which  not  a  single  member  has  reflected 
discredit  or  dishonor  upon  his  country  or  the 
Administration. 

During  the  first  year  of  his  administration  Pres 
ident  Cleveland  was  subjected  to  considerable 
criticism  in  his  own  party,  and  to  malignant  mis 
representation  from  without,  because  of  his  rigid 
adherence  to  the  civil-service  reform  policy  which 
he  had  set  out  to  establish  and  maintain.  Many 
of  the  less  thoughtful  members  of  his  own  party 
made  the  complaint  that  he  did  not  proceed  rap 
idly  enough  in  the  work  of  making  removals.  On 
the  other  hand,  some  of  his  independent  support 
ers  were  inclined  to  forget  that  he  was  confronted 
by  "  a  condition,  not  a  theory,"  and  made  loud 
outcry  each  time  some  cringing  incumbent  of  an 
office  was  removed  that  the  President  was  forget 
ting  his  pledges.  Still  another  class  of  complaints 
came  from  Republicans,  both  in  office  and  out. 
There  was  general  resentment  on  the  part  of 
these  people  at  the  audacity  which  would  deprive 
them  of  what  they  had  come  to  believe  was  a 
vested  right  to  hold  office  ;  consequently,  early  in 
the  session  of  the  Forty-ninth  Congress,  the 
Senate,  under  the  lead  of  Mr.  Edmunds,  of  Ver 
mont,  set  up  the  claim,  hitherto  never  advanced, 
that  that  body  was  entitled  to  die  "  papers  '  upon 


WILLIAM    F.    VILAfc, 


THE  IN  A  UG  URA  7  7  ON.  T  r  - 

which  removals  and  appointments  had  been  made. 
The  President  refused  to  comply  with  this  request, 
holding  that  such  documents  affected  considera 
tions  private  to  himself.  After  some  little  delay 
the  Senate  found  that  its  position  was  indefensible, 
and  quietly  receded  from  it,  by  confirming  the  men 
appointed  to  the  offices  in  question. 

On  the  whole,  however,  the  people  of  the  coun 
try  sustained  the  President  in  his  position.  There 
was  general  recognition  of  the  fact  that  many 
unfriendly  incumbents  of  office  had  impeded  the 
service  in  order  to  discredit  the  new  Administra 
tion  ;  that  others  had  truckled  to  the  new  powers 
in  the  hope  that  their  sudden  zeal  might  hide 
their  cowardice  and  inefficiency;  and  that  still 
others  had  all  of  a  sudden  become  great  reformers 
when  they  could  no  longer  prostitute  the  public 
service  to  party  and  selfish  ends.  The  desire  of 
the  people  to  see  fair  play  finally  triumphed  over 
the  impatient  friends  of  the  President,  his  imprac 
ticable  supporters  who  had  expected  so  much,  and 
his  unscrupulous  enemies  in  the  Senate  and  in 
the  minor  offices.  It  was  then  seen  that  the 
standard  of  public  service  fixed  by  the  new  Ad 
ministration  was  such  a  lofty  one  that  no  scandal 
had  come  from  the  actions  of  any  of  the  new 
officials,  whether  in  the  departments  or  in  the  sub 
ordinate  offices  ;  that  the  minor  places  in  the  de 
partments  at  Washington  and  in  the  large  custom 
houses  and  post-offices  were  filled  strictly  in  obe- 


I  5  $  L IFE  OF  G'A'O  I  'KK  CLE  VElAND. 

dience  to  the  civil-service  law;  that  there  were  no 
glaring  instances  in  which  officials  had  used  their 
places  to  do  political  wrongs,  and  that,  as  a  whole, 
the  public  service  of  the  United  States  had  never 
been  in  better  condition.  For  the  first  time,  a 
substantial  advance  had  been  made  in  genuine 
civil-service  reform,  and  the  President's  victory 
was  secured  without  the  alienation  of  any  influen 
tial  element  of  his  own  party,  and  without  violating 
any  obligation,  express  or  implied,  which  he  took 
upon  himself  in  becoming  its  candidate.  In  the 
years  to  follow,  the  wisdom  of  his  policy  was  to 
be  more  fully  tested  and  more  emphatically  ap 
proved. 

In  the  death,  on  the  25th  of  November,  1885,  of 
the  honored  statesman,  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  the  new  Demo 
cratic  circle  was  first  broken.  From  his  earliest 
manhood,  even  before  he  reached  his  majority,  he 
had  upheld  the  standard  of  his  party,  and  incul 
cated  such  a  lofty  patriotism  that  he  had  never 
done  aught  which  could  be  construed  as  inimical 
to  the  interests  of  his  country.  The  highest 
honors  were  paid  to  his  memory.  The  President, 
immediately  upon  the  receipt  of  the  sad  tidings 
of  his  death,  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  country, 
recounting  his  services  and  directing  that  the 
various  branches  of  th<-  ( invcrnment  should  pay 
the  customary  tributes  of  respect  to  his  memory. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE    PRESIDENT   AND    CONGRESS. 

MESSAGES  TO  THE  REPRESENTATIVES  OF  THE  PEOPLE — TARIFF  REVISION 
AND  OTHER   REFORMS. 

ON  the  first  Monday  in  December,  1885, 
the  Forty-ninth  Congress  met,  and 
President  Cleveland  transmitted  his  first 
annual  message.  He  adverted  feelingly  in  its 
opening  sentences  to  the  death  of  Vice-President 
Hendricks,  and  paid  a  warm  tribute  to  his  mem 
ory.  He  discussed  with  much  fullness  all  the 
leading  questions  which  affected  the  country,  and 
with  general  public  acceptance.  Among  the 
issues  which  have  since  become  of  great  import 
ance  were  the  enactment  of  laws  to  prevent  the 
collection  of  a  surplus  revenue,  the  retention  oi 
the  public  lands  for  actual  settlers,  and  the  reform 
of  the  abuses  which  had  crept  into  the  civil 
service.  On  the  reduction  of  taxation  his  views 
were  so  clear  and  conscientious  upon  the  one 
issue,  which  he  has  since  projected  into  import 
ance,  that  his  conclusions  are  given  at  length: 

"The  fact  that  our  revenues  are  in  excess  of 
the  actual  needs  of  an  economical  administration 
of  the  Government,  justifies  a  reduction  in  the 

161 


j  6  2  L IFE  OF  GR  °  VER 

amount  exacted  from  the  people  for  its  support. 
Our  Government  is  but  the  means  established  by 
the  will  of  a  free  people  by  which  certain  princi 
ples  are  applied  which  they  have  adopted  for  their 
benefit  and  protection  ;  and  it  is  never  better  ad 
ministered  and  its  true  spirit  is  never  better  ob^ 
served  than  when  the  people's  taxation  for  its 
support  is  scrupulously  limited  to  the  actual 
necessity  of  expenditure,  and  distributed  accord 
ing  to  a  just  and  equitable  plan. 

"  The  proposition  with  which  we  have  to  deal 
is  the  reduction  of  the  revenue  received  by  the 
Government,  and  indirectly  paid  by  the  people 
from  customs  duties.  The  question  of  free  trade 
is  not  involved,  nor  is  there  now  any  occasion  for  the 
general  discussion  of  the  wisdom  or  expediency 
of  a  protective  system.  Justice  and  fairness  dic 
tate  that  in  any  modification  of  our  present  laws 
relating  to  revenue,  the  industries  and  interests 
which  have  been  encouraged  by  such  laws,  and  in 
which  our  citizens*  have  lar^e  investments,  should 

^> 

not  be  ruthlessly  injured  or  destroyed.  We  should 
also  deal  with  the  subject  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
protect  the  interests  of  American  labor,  which  is 
the  capital  of  our  workingmen  ;  its  stability  and 
proper  remuneration  furnish  the  most  justifiable 
pretext  for  a  protective  policy. 

"  Within  these  limitations  a  certain  reduction 
should  be  made  in  our  customs  revenue.  The 
amount  of  such  reduction  having  been  determined, 
the  inquiry  follows,  where  can  it  best  be  remitted 
and  what  articles  can  best  be  released  from  duty, 
in  the  interests  of  our  citizens?  I  think  the  re 
duction  should  be  made  in  the  revenue  derived 
from  a  tax  upon  the  imported  necessaries  of  life. 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  CONGRESS.  l  §  „ 

We  thus  directly  lessen  the  cost  of  living  in  every 
family  of  the  land,  and  release  to  the  people  in 
every  humble  home  a  larger  measure  of  the  re 
wards  of  frugal  industry." 

CIVIL-SERVICE    REFORM. 

Having  announced  his  devotion  to  a  genuine 
reform  of  the  civil-service  abuses  in  his  letter  of 
acceptance,  in  various  letters  and  speeches  durino- 
the  campaign,  and  in  his  first  inaugural  address, 
he  took  occasion  to  emphasize  anew  his  position 
in  the  following  language  : 

"  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  there  is  no  senti 
ment  more  general  in  the  minds  of  the  people  of 
our  country,  than  a  conviction  of  the  correctness 
of  the  principle  upon  which  the  law  enforcing  civil- 
service  reform  is  based.  *  *  *  *  Experience  in 
its  administration  will  probably  suggest  amend 
ment  of  the  methods  of  its  execution,  but  I  venture 
to  hope  that  we  shall  never  again  be  remitted  to  the 
system  which  distributes  public  positions  purely 
as  rewards  for  partisan  service.  Doubts  may  well 
be  entertained  whether  our  Government  could 
survive  the  strain  of  a  continuance  of  this  system, 
which  upon  every  change  of  Administration  in 
spires  an  immense  army  of  claimants  for  office  to 
lay  siege  to  the  patronage  of  Government,  en 
grossing  the  time  of  public  officers  with  their  im 
portunities,  spreading  abroad  the  contagion  of 
their  disappointment,  and  filling  the  air  with  the 
tumult  of  their  discontent. 

"The  allurements  of  an  immense  number  of 
offices  and  places,  exhibited  to  the  voters  of  the 


i  64 


7.7/7:    OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 


land,  and  the  promise  of  their  bestowal  in  recog 
nition  of  partisan  activity,  debauch  the  suffrage 
and  rob  political  action  of  its  thoughtful  and  de 
liberative  character.  The  evil  would  increase 
with  the  multiplication  of  offices  consequent  upon 
our  extension,  and  the  mania  for  office-holding, 
growing  from  its  indulgence,  would  pervade  our 
population  so  generally  that  patriotic  purpose,  the 
support  of  principle,  the  desire  for  the  public  good, 
and  solicitude  for  the  nation's  welfare,  would  be 
nearly  banished  from  the  activity  of  our  party 
contests  and  cause  them  to  degenerate  into  igno 
ble,  selfish,  and  disgraceful  struggles  for  the  pos 
session  of  office  and  public  place.  Civil-service 
reform  enforced  by  law  came  none  too  soon  to 
check  the  progress  of  demoralization.  One  of  its 
effects,  not  enough  regarded,  is  the  freedom  it 
brings  to  the  political  action  of  those  conservative 
and  sober  men  who,  in  fear  of  the  confusion  and 
risk  attending  an  arbitrary  and  sudden  change  in 
all  the  public  offices  with  a  change  of  party  rule, 
cast  their  ballots  against  such  a  chance. 

"  Parties  seem  to  be  necessary,  and  will  long 
continue  to  exist ;  nor  can  it  be  now  denied  that 
there  are' legitimate  advantages,  not  disconnected 
with  office-holding,  which  follow  party  supremacy. 
While  partisanship  continues  bitter  and  pro 
nounced,  and  supplies  so  much  of  motive  to  senti 
ment  and  action,  it  is  not  fair  to  hold  public  offi 
cials,  in  charge  of  important  trusts,  responsible  for 
the  best  results  in  the  performance  of  their  duties, 
and  yet  insist  that  they  shall  rely,  in  confidential 
and  important  places,  upon  the  work  of  those  not 
only  Opposed  to  them  in  political  affiliation,  but  so 
steeped  in  partisan  prejudice  and  rancor  that  they 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  COA'GAESS. 

have  no  loyalty  to  their  chiefs  and  no  desire  for 
their  success.  Civil-service  reform  does  not  ex 
act  this,  nor  does  it  require  that  those  in  subor 
dinate  positions  who  fail  in  yielding  their  best  ser 
vice,  or  who  are  incompetent,  should  be  retained 
simply  because  they  are  in  place.  The  whining  of 
a  clerk  discharged  for  indolence  or  incompetency, 
who,  though  he  gained  his  place  by  the  worst  pos 
sible  operation  of  the  spoils  system,  suddenly 
discovers  that  he  is  entitled  to  protection  under 
the  sanction  of  civil-service  reform,  represents 
an  idea  no  less  absurd  than  the  clamor  of  the 
applicant  who  claims  the  vacant  position  as  his 
compensation  for  the  most  questionable  party 
work. 

"The  civil-service  law  does  not  prevent  the  dis 
charge  of  the  indolent  or  incompetent  clerk,  but 
it  does  prevent  supplying  his  place  with  the 
unfit  party  worker.  Thus,  in  both  these  phases, 
is  seen  benefit  to  the  public  service.  And, the 
people  who  desire  good  government  having  se 
cured  this  statute,  will  not  relinquish  its  benefits 
without  protest.  Nor  are  they  unmindful  of  the 
fact  that  its  full  advantages  can  only  be  gained 
through  the  complete  good  faith  of  those  having 
its  execution  in  charge.  And  this  they  will  insist 
upon." 

THE    PUBLIC    LANDS. 

Since  the  advent  of  the  present  Administration 
the  policy  of  preserving  the  public  lands  for  actual 
settlers  has  been  consistently  carried  out.  Closely 
allied  with  this  policy  has  been  the  restoration  of 
unearned  lands  granted  to  railroads  to  the  public 


LIFE  OF  O ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

domain.  The  President  had  given  careful  atten 
tion  to  the  question  and  thus  announced  his  con^ 
elusions : 

"  It  is  not  for  the  '  common  benefit  of  the 
United  States '  that  a  large  area  of  the  public 
lands  should  be  acquired,  directly  or  through 
fraud,  in  the  hands  of  a  single  individual.  The 
Nation's  strength  is  in  the  people.  The  Nation's 
prosperity  is  in  their  prosperity.  The  Nation's 
glory  is  in  the  equality  of  her  justice.  The 
Nation's  perpetuity  is  in  the  patriotism  of  all  her 
people.  Hence,  as  far  as  practicable,  the  plan 
adopted  in  the  disposal  of  the  public  lands  should 
have  in  view  the  original  policy,  which  encouraged 
many  purchasers  of  these  lands  for  homes,  and 
discouraged  the  massing  of  large  areas.  Exclu 
sive  of  Alaska,  about  three-fifths  of  the  national 
domain  has  been  sold  or  subjected  to  contract  or 
grant.  Of  the  remaining  two-fifths  a  consider 
able  portion  is  either  mountain  or  desert.  A 
rapidly  increasing  population  creates  a  growing 
demand  for  homes,  and  the  accumulation  of 
wealth  inspires  an  eager  competition  to  obtain 
the  public  land  for  speculative  purposes.  In  the 
future  this  collision  of  interests  will  be  more 
marked  than  in  the  past,  and  the  execution  of 
the  Nation's  trust  in  behalf  of  our  settlers  will  be 
more  difficult.  I  therefore  commend  to  your 
attention  the  recommendations  contained  in  the 
report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  with  refer 
ence  to  the  repeal  and  modification  of  certain  of 
our  land  laws. 

"The  nation  has  made  princely  grants  and 
subsidies  to  a  system  of  railroads  projected  as 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  CONGRESS. 


167 


§reat  national  highways  to  connect  the  Pacific 
tates  with  the  East.  It  has  been  charged  that 
these  donations  from  the  people  have  been  di 
verted  to  private  gain  and  corrupt  uses,  and  thus 
public  indignation  has  been  aroused  and  suspi 
cion  engendered.  Our  great  nation  does  not 
begrudge  its  generosity,  but  it  abhors  peculation 
and  fraud;  and  the  favorable  regard  of  our 
people  for  the  great  corporations  to  which  these 
grants  were  made  can  only  be  revived  by  a 
restoration  of  confidence,  to  be  secured  by  their 
constant,  unequivocal,  and  clearly  manifested 
integrity.  A  faithful  application  of  the  undimin- 
ished  proceeds  of  the  grants  to  the  construction 
and  perfecting  of  their  roads,  an  honest  discharge 
of  their  obligations,  and  entire  justice  to  all  the 
people  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  rights  on  these 
highways  of  travel,  are  all  the  public  asks,  and  it 
will  be  content  with  no  less.  To  secure  these 
things  should  be  the  common  purpose  of  the 
officers  of  the  Government,  as  well  as  of  the 
corporations.  With  this  accomplishment,  pros 
perity  would  be  permanently  secured  to  the  roads, 
and  national  pride  would  take  the  place  of  na 
tional  complaint." 

With  the  same  object  in  view,  he  interposed  his 
veto  to  maintain  the  lands  of  the  Indian  tribes  free 
from  invasion  by  railroads  without  the  consent  of 
the  tribes,  thus  protecting  the  wards  of  the  nation 
from  the  exactions  of  corporations. 

Wherever  an  attempt  has  been  made  by  Con 
gress  to  surrender  any  of  the  rights  of  Indian 
tribes  by  giving  away  privileges  to  their  lands, 


,65  L1J''E  OF  G ROVER  CLEVXLAXD. 

President  Cleveland  has  interposed  his  veto  to 
prevent,  or  has  suggested  the  insertion  of  new  and 
additional  safeguards  for  the  better  protection  of 
their  rights. 

PROTECTING   THE    SETTLERS, 

During  the  early  part  of  the  year  1887,  tne 
Northern  Pacific  Railroad  Company  undertook  to 
enforce  with  much  severity  certain  litigation  with 
men  who  had  settled  on  certain  lands  afterward 
found  to  lie  within  the  limits  of  indemnity  lands 
to  be  selected  by  the  Company  for  making  up  any 
deficiencies  in  the  lands  granted  to  it  by  Congress. 
Among  these  cases  was  that  of  Guilford  Miller. 
He  claimed  that  he  had  settled  upon  the  land  in 
1878,  and  that  he  had  cultivated  the  same  under 
the  homestead  law  until  1884,  when  he  claimed 
title.  The  case  was  referred  to  the  Attorney- 
General,  who,  upon  its  strictly  technical  and  legal 
aspects,  decided  against  the  settler.  All  the 
papers  were,  at  his  request,  turned  over  to  the 
President,  who  examined  them  with  the  great 
care  and  comprehensive  industry  which  has  usually- 
distinguished  his  examination  of  such  cases,  both 
as  Governor  and  President.  On  April  25th,  1887, 
he  addressed  a  notable  letter  to  the  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  suggesting  a  method  of  settlement, 
which,  while  not  interfering  with  the  rights  of  Mil 
ler,  would  also  permit  the  railroad  to  select  an 
equal  amount  of  land  from  some  contiguous  por- 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  CONGRESS.  j  6g 

tion  of  the  public  domain  to  indemnify  it  for  this 
loss.  In  other  words,  the  President  sought  a  way 
to  decide  the  matter  upon  the  equities  of  the  case, 
in  such  a  way,  as  he  expressed  it,  "as  to  protect 
this  settler  from  hardship  and  loss." 

In  the  course  of  his  letter  he  laid  down  the  fol 
lowing  as  settling  the  policy  he  would  pursue : 

"There  seems  to  be  no  evidence  presented 
showing  how  much,  if  any,  of  this  vast  tract  is  ne 
cessary  for  the  fulfillment  of  the  grant  to  the  rail 
road  company,  nor  does  there  appear  to  be  any 
limitation  of  the  time  within  which  this  fact  should 
be  made  known  and  the  corporation  obliged  to 
make  its  selection.  After  a  lapse  of  fifteen  years 
this  large  body  of  the  public  domain  is  still  held 
in  reserve,  to  the  exclusion  of  settlers,  for  the 
convenience  of  a  corporate  beneficiary  of  the 
Government,  and  awaiting  its  selection,  though  it 
is  entirely  certain  that  much  of  this  reserved  land 
can  never  be  honestly  claimed  by  said  corpora 
tion.  Such  a  condition  of  the  public  lands  should 
no  longer  continue.  So  far  as  it  is  the  result  of 
executive  rules  and  methods,  these  should  be 
abandoned,  and  so  far  as  it  is  a  consequence  of 
improvident  laws,  these  should  be  repealed  or 
amended. 

"Our  public  domain  is  our  national  wealth,  the 
earnest  of  our  growth  and  the  heritage  of  our 
people.  It  should  promise  limitless  development 
and  riches,  relief  to  a  crowding  population,  and 
homes  to  thrift  and  industry.  These  inestimable 
advantages  should  be  jealously  guarded,  and  a 
careful  and  enlightened  policy  on  the  part  of  the 


17°  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

Government  should  secure  them  to  the  people. 
In  the  case  under  consideration  I  assume  that 
there  is  an  abundance  of  land  within  the  area 
which  has  been  reserved  for  indemnity,  in  which 
no  citizen  or  settler  has  a  legal  or  equitable  inter 
est,  for  all  purposes  of  such  indemnification  to 
this  railroad  company,  if  its  grant  has  not  already 
been  satisfied." 

During  the  year  1886  an  executive  proclama 
tion  was  issued,  directing  the  removal  of  the  fences 
by  which  large  sections  of  the  public  domain  in  the 
ranch  sections  of  the  country  were  inclosed.  This 
had  become  one  of  the  most  serious  of  abuses. 
Men  who  had  gained  the  personal  or  the  party  favor 
of  men  in  power  had  been  permitted  to  fence  in 
great  tracts  of  public  land,  and  they  had  success 
fully  defied  all  attempts  at  their  removal.  But 
from  the  day  that  President  Cleveland  issued  his 
order  the  fences  began  to  come  down,  and  since 
that  time  thousands  of  acres  of  land  have  thus 
been  thrown  open  for  the  actual  settler. 

By  the  action  of  the  President  and  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  about  20,000,000  acres  of  land  not 
granted  to  railroads  by  Congress,  but  withdrawn 
from  settlement  as  indemnity  lands  to  await  the 
convenience  of  railroad  companies,  were  restored 
to  the  public  domain  and  thrown  open  to  settle 
ment.  Thousands  of  homes  are  being  made  by 
settlers  on  these  lands.  In  the  Forty-seventh 
Congress  the  Republicans  were  in  full  possession 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  CONGRESS.  i  >,  , 

of  both  branches  of  Congress,  and  not  one  rail 
road  land  grant  was  forfeited.  In  the  Forty- 
eighth  and  Forty-ninth  Congresses  the  Demo 
cratic  party  controlled  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  and  these  Congresses  passed  laws  restoring 
50,000,000  acres  of  unearned  railroad  land  grants 
to  the  public  domain.  With  scarcely  an  exception 
these  bills  passed  the  House  before  the  Senate 
considered  them.  The  Republican  Senate  passed 
.no  forfeiture  bill  that  the  House  did  not  pass,  but 
the  House  passed  bills  forfeiting  38,000,000  acres 
of  grants  that  the  Republican  Senate  did  not  pass, 
and  the  House  Committee  on  Public  Lands  made 
favorable  reports  on  bills  to  forfeit  grants  amount 
ing  to  12,000,000  or  13,000,000  more. 

VETOING    LOG-ROLLING    SCHEMES. 

Another  class  of  questions  which  early  attracted 
President  Cleveland's  attention  was  that  of  appro 
priations  for  public  buildings.  It  has  long  been 
a  recognized  scandal  to  vthe  name  of  Congress 
that  such  measures  are  passed  by  a  system  known 
as  log-rolling,  or  members  of  Congress  or  State 
delegations  voting  for  an  appropriation  for  a  like 
favor  to  be  given  in  return.  The  President  early 
in  his  administration  set  his  face  consistently 
against  this  policy,  and  has  carried  it  out  to  its 
logical  results  by  interposing  his  veto  of  such  ap 
propriations  where  the  interest  or  the  sum  pro 
posed  to  be  expended  largely  exceeded  the  rent 


I  72  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

paid  for  public  buildings,  always  taking  into  con 
sideration  all  the  elements  of  the  case,  such  as 
the  presence  or  absence  of  Federal  courts,  of 
internal  revenue  offices,  and  of  such  conditions 
as  would  promote  the  best  interests  of  the  local 
ity  in  question.  By  judicious  adherence  to  this 
policy  he  has  saved  large  sums  of  money,  and 
saved  the  country  from  the  dangers  which  would 
follow  the  bad  precedent  otherwise  set  to  future 
legislators  and  Presidents. 

He  has  also  interposed  the  veto  power  in  the. 
matter  of  the  private  claims  so  persistently  lobbied 
through  Congress,  insisting  that  the  laws  as  ad- 

c>  o  o 

ministered  by  the  courts  are  generally  ample  to 
protect  the  rights  of  individuals  when  dealing 
with  the  Government.  He  has  clone  much  by 
this  course  to  promote  the  growth  of  a  healthy 
public  sentiment  which  shall  demand  the  reference 
of  all  such  claims  to  the  regular  Federal  courts 
and  to  the'  Court  of  Claims  for  adjudication  and 
settlement. 

During  the  second  session  of  the  Forty-ninth 
Congress  a  bill  was  passed  creating  an  Inter- 
State  Commerce  Commission,  and  granting  it 
certain  powers  to  prohibit  discrimination  in  rates 
of  carrying  of  passengers  and  freight.  The  bill 
was  at  once  signed  by  the  President  and  a  most 
efficient  Commission  appointed  for  the  purpose 
of  carrying  its  provisions  into  effect.  Of  this 
Commission  Thomas  M.  Cooley,  of  Michigan,  one 


PRESIDENT  AND  CONGRESS  i  -  , 

1  /..> 

of  the  ablest  jurists  in  the  country,  was  elected 
Chairman.  The  law  was  universally  accepted  by 
both  the  people  and  the  railroads  with  good  re 
sults. 

The  Pacific  Railroads  having  asked  for  an  ex 
tension  of  the  time  granted  them  by  the  Thur- 
man  Act  for  making  settlement  with  the  Govern 
ment,  an  act  was  passed  authorizing  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  Commission  vested  with  full  power  to 
investigate  the  question  in  all  its  bearings.  This 
Commission  was  appointed  by  President  Cleve 
land,  and  the  majority  reported  in  favor  of  certain 
rigid  assertions  of  right  on  the  part  of  the  Gov 
ernment  as  well  as  in  favor  of  granting  cer-. 
tain  concessions.  Under  this  report  the  money 
advanced  by  the  Government  would  be  secured, 
and  at  the  same  time  the  companies  would  be 
granted  such  a  reasonable  extension  of  time  as 
would  enable  them  to  fully  carry  out  their  ob 
ligations  to  the  Government,  without  undue  im 
pairment  of  their  resources  or  injury  to  the  section 
of  country  dependent  upon  them  for  the  promo 
tion  of  its  interests.  The  President  sent  this  re 
port  to  Congress  with  favorable  recommendations, 
but  insisted  that  the  rights  of  the  Government 
should  be  protected  by  adequate  safeguards. 

Thus  at  every  turn  have  President  Cleveland 
and  his  advisers  shown  a  careful  regard  for  the 
interests  of  the  people,  and  a  determination  to 
carry  out  the  laws  enacted  to  secure  those  inter- 


OF  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

ests.    No  demagoguery  has  disfigured  these  whole 
some  efforts  to  promote  the  public   welfare.     No 
crusade  against  property  of  any  kind  has  been  in 
dulged  in,  and  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  array 
one  class  of  men  against  another. 

OUR    FOREIGN    RELATIONS. 

At  the  first  session  of  the  Fiftieth  Congress 
the  President  sent  to  the  Senate  a  treaty  just  con 
cluded  with  the  Emperor  of  China,  by  which  all 
classes  of  Chinese  excluded  from  this  country 
under  our  laws  were  upon  a  complete  and  full 
understanding  with  China  to  be  excluded  during 
a  term  of  twenty  years.  The  Administration  had 
been  able  to  negotiate  this  most  desirable  treaty 
because  of  its  liberal  policy  in  dealing  with  com 
pensations  paid  to  the  Government  of  China  as 
damages  for  certain  outrages  perpetrated  upon  a 
number  of  inoffending  Chinese  in  the  Territory 
of  Wyoming.  But  partisan  feeling  was  so  strong 
in  the  Senate  that  a  change  of  a  single  word  was 

o  c> 

made  in  the  treaty,  thus  rendering  it  necessary  to 
return  it  to  China  for  ratification.  The  treaty  se 
cured  everything  which  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  had  sought  to  accomplish  by  law, 
and  made  the  term  of  exclusion  lone*  enoueh  to 

O  O 

turn  the  tide  of  Chinese  immigration  permanently 
away  from  our  shores. 

In  his  first  annual  message  the  President  di 
rected  attention  sharply  to  the  condition  of  the 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  CONGRESS.  \  *  cr 

law  relating  to  the  Presidential  succession,  with 
the  result  that  bills  which  had  long  been  pending 
without  ability  to  command  support  in  both 
houses  of  Congress  were  taken  up  and  passed 
into  a  law  which  was  eminently  satisfactory  to 
public  sentiment,  and  under  the  operation  of  which 
the  Presidential  succession  descends -from  the 
elected  Vice-President  to  the  Cabinet  officers,  be 
ginning  with  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  not  to 
the  President  pro  tern,  of  the  Senate. 

Approval  was  given  to  a  law  designed  to  check 
the  manufacture  and  sale  of  products  fraudulently 
sold  as  butter,  known  as  the  Oleomargarine  Bill, 
the  President  going  extensively  into  his  reasons 
for  signing  the  bill. 

During  the  first  session  of  the  Forty-ninth 
Congress  President  Cleveland  sent  a  special  mes 
sage  to  Congress  recommending  legislation  look 
ing  toward  a  peaceful  settlement  by  arbitration  of 
disputes  between  laboring  men  and  their  em 
ployers.  His  recommendations  were  carefully 
drawn,  and  the  narrow  constitutional  authority  of 
Congress  over  the  question  was  enforced ;  but  it 
showed  the  President's  interest  in  such  questions 
and  his  anxiety  to  do  whatever  lay  in  his  power 
to  promote  an  object  so  worthy  the  attention  of  all 
thoughtful  and  philanthropic  men. 

This  review  of  the  principal  acts  of  the  Ad 
ministration,  brief  as  it  is,  is  still  sufficient  to  show 
that  every  question  has  been  approached  with  a 


LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

desire  and  determination  to  act  with  promptness, 
intelligence,  and  vigor  on  all  questions  affecting 
the  interests  of  the  public.  There  has  been  no 
cringing  to  corporations  on  the  one  hand  and  no 
injustice  has  been  done  to  them,  on  the  other, 
having  purely  partisan  or  political  ends  in  view. 
The  rights  of  our  people  in  foreign  countries  and 
in  commerce  have  been  upheld  in  a  manly  and 
straightforward  manner,  with  determination  to 
exact  what  was  right,  but  without  bluster  or 
bravado.  The  public  service  has  been  clean  and 
honest,  so  that  "  public  office  "  has  indeed  been 
deemed  a  "  public  trust."  Whether  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  patriot  or  the  partisan  of  the 
President,  his  Administration  has  fairly  justified 
itself,  and  it  has  a  right  to  appeal  with  confidence 
to  the  country. 

In  nothing  has  the  Administration  served  its 
party  and  the  country  better  than  in  demon 
strating  the  utter  groundlessness  of  the  fears — 
honestly  felt  in  some  quarters  and  pretended  in 
others — that  a  change  of  parties  in  control  of  the 
Government  threatened  disaster  to  the  business 
interests  of  the  country.  The  conservative  but 
firm  policy  of  the  President  and  his  Cabinet  in 
all  matters  touching  the  relations  of  the  Govern 
ment  with  business  have  inspired  confidence  in 
the*  Administration  and  disarmed  those  who  have 
been  wont  to  "  indict  a  whole  party"  for  cherish- 
'»ng  destructive  purposes.  The  great  commercial 


L.    Q.    C.    LAMARc 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  CONGRESS.  179 

centres  of  the  land  have  been  quick  to  respond 
to  every  occasion  with  expressions  of  their  con 
fidence  in  the  President  and  his  party.  The 
Democracy  enters  upon  the  Presidential  cam 
paign  of  1888  without  any  of  the  distrust  attaching 
to  it  as  an  organization  by  which  so  many  of  the 
independent  voters  in  former  years  seem  to  have 
been  affected  ;  and  every  promise  is  given  in  the 
situation,  as  it  stands,  of  accessions  to  the  sup 
port  of  Cleveland  and  Thurman  from  elements 
which  have  hitherto  withheld  themselves  from  the 
Democracy. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

COURTSHIP,    MARRIAGE,     AND    DOMESTIC    LIFE. 

WHILE  there  has  never  been  any  ten 
dency  in  the  United  States  Jo  imitate 
the  court  customs  of  European  coun 
tries,  interest  has  always  been  strong  in  the 
domestic  life  of  our  public  men,  and  especially  of 
those  called  to  the  Presidency.  While  the  majority 
of  these  have  been  drawn  from  the  average  plain 
life  of  the  plain  people  of  the  country,  our  history 
does  not  present  a  single  case  in  which  the  men 
elected  President,  or  who  succeeded  as  Vice- 
Presidents,  were  not  of  gentlemanly  social  aspect, 
and  their  families,  if  they  had  them,  did  not  do  the 
honors  of  the  White  House  with  credit  to  them 
selves  and  to  their  country. 

Only  twice  in  the  history  of  the  country  have 
our  Presidents  been  bachelors,  and,  curiously 
enough,  these  were  James  Buchanan,  the  last 
Democratic  President  chosen  before  the  fatal  di 
vision  which  sundered  the  party  in  1860,  and 
Grover  Cleveland,  the  first  with  whom  it  was  to 
regain  power  in  1884,  after  twenty-four  years  of 
exclusion.  Jackson's  wife  died  a  few  months  be 
fore  his  accession  to  office.  Tyler,  Johnson,  and 
i  So 


COURTSHIP  AND  MARRIAGE.  T  C 

1  0  I 

Arthur  were  widowers  when  they  entered  the 
White  House  from  the  Vice-Presidency  in  suc 
cession  to  their  superiors,  who  had  died  or  had 
been  assassinated  in  office.  Tyler  was  the  only 
one  who  had  remarried  while  in  office,  though  not 
in  the  White  House  itself.  So  that  while  there 
had  been  marrying  and  giving  in  marriage  in  the 
Executive  residence,  they  had  been  of  the  sons 
and  grandsons,  or  the  daughters  and  grand 
daughters,  of  Presidents  or  their  friends,  and  not 
of  the  actual  occupants  of  that  historic  mansion  as 
the  Chief  Magistrates  of  the  Union. 

When  Grover  Cleveland  was  elected  President 
he  had  reached  the  somewhat  mature  age  of 
forty-seven,  and  having  thus  far  lived  the  life  of  a 
bachelor,  he  was,  not  unnaturally,  looked  upon  as 
a  confirmed  specimen  of  this  class  of  men,  about 
whom  their  friends  are  always  so  deeply  and  so 
interestingly  concerned.  Nevertheless,  the  same 
universal  interest  attached  itself  to  him  and  his 
social  movements  as  if  he  had  been  a  Benedict  of 
many  years  experience.  The  new  President's 
youngest  sister,  Rose  Elizabeth  Cleveland,  was, 
like  himself,  unmarried.  She  was,  therefore, 
naturally  called  to  take  the  position  of  mistress 
of  the  White  House,  in  which  a  vacancy  had  ex 
isted  for  some  time,  because  of  the  fact  that  Pres^ 
ident  Arthur  had  also  been  compelled  to  rely  upon 
his  sister,  Mrs.  McElroy,  to  fill  this  place.  Miss 
Cleveland  filled  the  duties  of  this  somewhat  diffi- 


LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

cult  place  with  great  tact  and  with  general  accept 
ance.  She  was  a  cultured  woman  of  the  most  de 
cided  opinions,  whose  experience  as  a  teacher  and 
writer  had  led  her  to  rely  upon  herself  in  the  race  of 
life.  But  almost  from  the  beginning  it  was  consid 
ered,  although  the  President  had  never  given 
any  indication  that  he  was  a  marrying  man,  he  had 
certainly  not  passed  "the  marrying  age/'  that  some 
what  movable  quality  which  nobody  has  ever  yet 
been  able  to  define  with  accuracy  and  acceptation. 
It  soon  be^an  to  be  noised  about  that  the  Pres- 

o 

ident  had  entered  upon  a  career  of  love-making, 
and  it  was  not  long  before  he  blushingly  and  bash 
fully  admitted  the  impeachment.  From  that  time 
public  interest,  on  the  old  principle  enunciated 
by  Emerson,  that  "  all  the  world  loves  a  lover," 
was  concentrated  upon  the  domestic  affairs  and 
advantages  of  the  man  who  occupied  such  an  ex 
alted  position.  He  did  not  appear  to  cease  from 
filing  vetoes  of  bad  measures,  nor  from  putting 
an  occasional  political  opponent  out  and  a  political 
supporter  into  a  desirable  office,  which  had  some 
thing  to  do  with  fixing  political  responsibility  upon 
his  administration.  Nor  did  he  seem  to  lose  any 
sleep,  as  it  is  sometimes  alleged  that  lovers  of  the 
masculine  persuasion  are  wont  to  do.  He  did 
nothing  foolish  or  gushing,  as  no  doubt  many 
other  accepted  lovers  of  both  sexes  expected  him 
to  do  ;  but  in  the  meantime  preparations  proceeded 
for  the  wedding. 


COURTSHIP  AND  MARRIAGE.  l  g  ~ 

The  gossips  were  not  given  much  of  a  chance 
to  suggest  doubts  as  to  the  name  and  personality 
of  the  woman  who  was  to  become  a  bride  in  the 
White  House.  Miss  Frances  Folsom,  the  only 
child  and  daughter  of  Oscar  Folsom,  was  an 
nounced  as  the  young  woman  who  had  accepted 
the  suit  of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
She  had  been  a  friend  and  intimate  of  her  future 
husband  from  the  earliest  years  of  her  childhood. 
Her  father  was  a  partner  in  the  practice  of  his 
profession  and  a  close  personal  friend  and  ad 
viser.  He  had  been  killed  in  an  accident  with  a 
runaway  horse  in  the  year  1875,  just  as  his  powers 
were  at  their  ripest  and  his  prospects  of  the  best. 
He  was  a  man  of  genial  good  nature,  generous 
and  open-hearted  in  his  impulses  and  his  life,  and 
a  devoted  husband  and  father. 

Miss  Frances  Folsom,  called  "  Frank  "  before 
her  marriage,  was  born  in  Buffalo,  New  York, 

C>       ' 

July  2 1  st,  1 864.  As  a  child  she  attended  the  French 
Kindergarten  of  Mme.  Brecker,  and  the  quickness 
of  apprehension  which  she  then  displayed  received 
a  fuller  exemplification  when,  upon  the  return  of 
the  family  to  Buffalo,  she  entered  the  Central 
School,  and  almost  immediately  became  the  pro 
nounced  favorite  of  both  teachers  and  her  fellow- 
pupils.  She  threw  her  energies  into  her  studies 
in  a  way  which  augured  well  for  her  future  success 
in  whatever  field  she  should  elect  to  occupy,  and 
earnest  application  joined  with  natural  ability  to 


LIFE  OF  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

develop  character  and  instill  culture.  At  this 
period  Mrs.  Folsom  boarded  in  the  city  of  Buffalo, 
and  the  daughter  availed  herself  of  her  Central 
School  certificate,  which  admitted  her  to  the 
sophomore  class  at  Wells  College  without  prelimi 
nary  examination.  Here  again  she  became  a 
prime  favorite,  and  it  was  during  her  sojourn  at 
this  institution  that  the  flowers  sent  her  from 
Albany,  and  the  many  evidences  of  regard  which 
the  Governor  bestowed,  began  to  cause  a  whisper 
that  his  attachment  amounted  to  something  more 
than  mere  friendly  kindliness.  The  whisper  grew 
into  a  much  more  definite  utterance  when  Miss 
Folsom  was  graduated  and  was  the  recipient  of 
beautiful  floral  tributes  from  the  White  House 
conservatories.  Governor  Cleveland  had  become 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  the  fact  that 
he  was  a  bachelor,  coupled  with  the  other  fact  that 
his  exalted  position  kept  him  ever  in  the  bright 
light  of  public  scrutiny,  conspired  to  set  many 
tongues  wagging  as  to  the  possible  outcome  of 
his  acquaintance  with  the  fair  graduate,  who,  in 
June,  1885,  said  farewell  to  Alma  Mater  and  went 
to  spend  the  summer,  or  apart  of  it,  at  the  residence 
of  her  grandfather,  the  late  Colonel  John  B.  Fol 
som,  of  Folsomdale,  Wyoming  County,  N.  Y.,  two 
miles  out  of  Cowlesville.  The  old  place  is  a  typi 
cal  homestead,  possessing  all  the  homely  charac 
teristics  of  farm-life  combined  with  much  of  solid 
comfort  and  refinement. 


BRIDE    OF   THE    WHITE   HOUSE. 


CO UR TSHIP  AND  MARRIA  GE.  j  g  „ 

Exactly  what  understanding  existed  between 
the  President  and  Miss  Folsom  at  the  time  she 
went  abroad  may  not  be  definitely  known  outside 
of  the  circle  immediately  interested,  but  it  is 
likely  they  were  betrothed  ere  her  departure. 
Both  parties  maintained  a  guarded  silence,  and 
their  engagement  escaped  parade  in  the  news 
papers  until  a  date  near  the  time  fixed  for  the 
wedding. 

Little  was  heard  from  Miss  Folsom  until,  on 
the  2;th  of  May,  1886,  the  Red  Star  steamer 
Noordland,  from  Antwerp,  sailed  into  the  port  of 
New  York,  having  just  transferred  to  a  United 
States  revenue  cutter  Miss  Folsom,  her  mother, 
and  her  cousin,  Mr*.  Benjamin  Folsom.  The 
party  came  comparatively  unannounced.  Colonel 
Lament  was  present  as  the  President's  represen 
tative.  At  the  pier  the  bride -elect  was  welcomed 
by  Miss  Cleveland,  and  the  party  was  speedily 
installed  at  the  Gilsey  House,  where  the  ladies 
of  the  Cabinet  joined  in  a  reception  and  kindly 
welcome  to  the  modest  and  beautiful  young 
woman  who  was  soon  to  make  such  a  stir  in 
American  society.  On  Sunday,  May  3Oth,  the 
President  visited  his  betrothed  in  New  York. 

Miss  Folsom  kept  herself  secluded  during  her 

stay   in  the   metropolis,  but  as  the  wedding-day 

had  been  fixed  for  the  2d  of  June,  there  was  much 

.social  sensation  over  the  event.     A  wedding  in 

the  White    House  was  decided  upon,  and    elab- 


LIFE  OF  uKOl'ER  CLEVELAND. 

orate  preparations  were  set  on  foot.  The  Execu* 
tive  Mansion  became  a  scene  of  hasty  labors  on 
the  part  of  upholsterers,  decorators,  and  florists; 
there  were  crowds  of  callers,  most  of  whom  were 
unsuccessful  in  seeing1  the  President,  who  escaped 
much  annoyance  by  driving  out  to  his  country 
place,  "  Pretty  Prospect,"  and  turning  his  visitors 
over  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  doorkeepers. 

By  Wednesday,  June  2d,  the  Blue  Room,  in 
which  the  ceremony  was  to  take  place,  had  been 
converted  into  a  bower  of  loveliness.  The  south 
side  was  a  solid  bank  of  dark-green  foliage,  against 
which  stood  out  the  red  and  pink  and  white  of 
azaleas  and  camelias.  The  fire-places  were  filled 
•with  potted  plants,  while  the  mantels  were  nearly 
concealed  beneath  banks  of  flowers.  The  east 
mantel  was  covered  with  purple  pansies,  bor 
dered  with  a  line  of  yellow,  and  fringed  with  ferns. 
On  this  purple  bed  appeared  the  inscription, 
"June  2d,  1886,"  in  white  pansies.  On  the  west 
mantel  was  a  bank  of  crimson  roses,  bordered 
with  maiden's-hair  fern, and  bearing  the  monogram 
"  C.  F."  in  white  moss  roses.  The  mirrors  were 
bordered  by  parti-colored  garlands  composed  of 
roses  and  other  rare  flowers.  Great  palms  stood 
on  either  side  of  the  doorway  leading  to  the  main 
hall,  and  a  scroll,  composed  of  pinks  and  bearing 
the  national  motto,  "  E  Pluribus  Unum"  was 
fixed  immediately  above  the  centre  doorway. 

The  East    Parlor    was    decorated    differently. 


CO  UR  TSHIP  AND  MARK  I  A  GE.  ^  o 

but  with  like  elegance  and  taste;  there  were 
fewer  flowers,  but  the  display  of  foliage,  especially 
rare  palms,  was  exceedingly  fine.  The  Green 
Parlor  was  comparatively  devoid  of  ornament, 
but  the  decoration  there  was  in  excellent  taste 
and  in  pleasing  contrast  with  the  greater  elabora 
tion  bestowed  upon  the  other  apartments.  In 
the  dining-room  the  ornamentation  was  in  general 
similar  to  that  of  the  East  Parlor.  Potted  plants, 
arranged  in  pyramids,  filled  the  corners,  and  roses 
festooned  the  mirrors.  The  sideboards  were 
covered  with  rare  plants,  and  a  floral  piece  in  the 
centre  of  the  table  represented  a  ship  under  full 
sail,  the  national  colors  flying  from  her  mast-head, 
with  a  pennant  bearing  the  monogram  "  C.  F." 

It  was  nearly  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening  when 
the  wedding  guests  assembled  in  the  Blue  Room. 
Owing  to  the  President's  desire  that  the  affair 
should  be  as  private  as  possible,  the  Diplomatic 
Corps  had  not  been  invited,  and  the  following 
guests  were  the  only  persons  present:  Mrs. 
Folsom,  the  mother  of  the  bride ;  Rev.  W.  N. 
Cleveland,  the  President's  brother;  Mrs.  Hoyt 
and  Miss  Cleveland,  the  President's  sisters ;  Mr. 
Bayard,  Secretary  of  State;  Mr.  Manning,  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  with  Mrs.  Manning;  Mr. 
Endicott,  Secretary  of  War,  with  Mrs.  Endicott ; 
Mr.  Whitney,  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  with  Mrs. 
Whitney;  Mr.  Vilas,  Postmaster-General,  with 
Mrs.  Vilas  ;  Mr.  Umar,  Secretary  of  the  Interior; 


!  gO  L IFE  OF  GK  ( >  I  'ER  (  7.  E  VE  LAXD. 

Colonel  Lament,  Private  Secretary,  with  Mrs. 
Lamont;  Benjamin  Folsom,  Esq.  ;  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Rogers,  of  Seneca  Falls,  N.  Y. ;  Mrs.  Cadman 
and  Miss  Huddleston>  of  Detroit ;  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Harmon,  of  Boston  ;  Miss  Nelson,  of  New  York  ; 
W.  S.  Bissell,  Esq.,  of  Buffalo,  and  Rev.  Dr.  and 
Mrs.  Byron  Sunderland.  The  Attorney-General, 
though  invited,  was  not  present,  being  disinclined 
to  society. 

The  guests  placed  themselves  in  the  form  of  a 
semicircle,  Mr.  Bayard  being  at  the  extreme  left 
and  Rev.  Mr.  Cleveland  at  the  extreme  right. 

The  Marine  Band,  stationed  in  the  anteroom, 
played  the  wedding  march  of  Mendelssohn,  as 
Rev.  Dr.  Sunderland  took  his  position  at  the 
south  end  of  the  room,  and  immediately  after  the 
bridal  party  entered.  Miss  Folsom  leaned  upon 
the  President's  arm,  looking  exceedingly  pretty  in 
her  wedding  dress  of  cream  white  satin,  with  high, 
plain  corsage,  elbow  sleeves,  and  very  long  train. 
The  front  breadth  just  below  the  waist  was  draped 
from  side  to  side  with  soft  silk  India  muslin,  at 
tached  on  the  left  side,  and  nearly  joining  the 
court  train.  The  muslin  was  bordered  with  a 
narrow  band  of  orange  flowers  and  leaves  that 
outlined  the  draping.  The  train,  which  was  at 
tached  to  the  plain  bodice  just  below  the  waist, 
measured  over  four  yards  in  length,  was  slightly 
rounded,  and  fell  in  full  plaits  on  the  floor,  with  no 
trimming  but  its  own  richness.  Two  scarfs  of  the 


CO  UR  TSfflP  AND  MARK  I  A  GE.  l  g  , 

muslin,  starting  from  the  shoulder  seams,  crossed 
the  bosom  in  Grecian  folds  and  were  bordered 
with  a  narrow  band  of  orange  flowers  to  corres 
pond  with  the  skirt.  The  scarfs  disappeared 
under  a  girdle  of  satin,  crossing  the  bodice  from 
left  to  right.  The  sleeves  were  trimmed  with  folds 
of  the  mull  and  two  or  three  orange  buds  and 
blossoms.  The  tulle  veil,  six  yards  in  length,  was 
fastened  with  a  coronet  of  myrtle  and  orange 
blossoms  above  the  high  coiffure,  its  folds  lightly 
covering  the  entire  train.  The  general  effect  was 
that  of  exquisite  simplicity,  suited  to  the  beauty 
of  the  bride.  She  wore  no  jewelry  and  carried 
no  hand-bouquet,  but  lightly  held  a  beautiful  white 
fan.  The  President  wore  full  evening  dress,  and 
their  baring  was  dignified  and  impressive.  They 
were  followed  by  the  few  guests  who  were  closely 
related  to  the  contracting  parties,  and  as  soon  as 
the  usual  hush  had  fallen  upon  the  assemblage 
Dr.  Sunderland  offered  prayer  and  followed  it 
with  the  impressive  marriage  ceremony,  the  bride 
and  groom  making  response  in  clear  tones.  The 
ring  was  then  passed  and  placed  upon  the  bride's 
finger,  and  the  two  were  pronounced  man  and 
wife.  The  benediction  was  spoken  by  Rev.  Mr. 
Cleveland.  The  ceremony  occupied  ten  minutes. 
Rev.  Mr.  Cleveland  came  forward  first  to  offer  his 
congratulations,  and  kissed  the  bride.  Upon 
Colonel  Lamont's  invitation  the  guests  then  en 
tered  the  dining-room,  where  a  collation  was 


IQ4  LIf'E  OF  C  ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

served.  Very  elegant  white  satin  boxes  contain- 
'  ing  pieces  of  the  wedding  cake  were  distributed 
as  souvenirs,  the  date,  June  2d,  1886.  being  em 
broidered  in  colors  on  the  covers. 

Within  an  hour  the  President  and  his  wife  were 
on  their  way  to  the  station  of  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  Railway  to  start  for  Deer  Park,  Md.,  where 
the  honeymoon  was  passed.  The  time  from  the 
3d  until  the  8th  of  June  was  spent  at  this  pretty 
resort  on  the  summit  of  the  Alleghenies.  On  the 
Sth  the  couple  returned  to  Washington  and  to 
life  in  the  White  House. 

One  week  later,  on  Tuesday,  June  I5th,  the 
first  State  reception  of  the  President  and  Mrs. 
Cleveland  took  place ;  and  it  was  the  beginning 
of  a  series  of  social  engagements,  which  fully  tested 
the  ability  of  the  young  mistress  of  the  White 
House  to  do  the  arduous  duties  of  her  new 
place.  Amid  blazing  lights  and  blooming  flowers, 
to  the  soft  music  of  orchestra  and  all  the  elegant 
accompaniments  of  society  entertainments,  Cabi 
net  and  diplomatic  corps,  judiciary,  Congress, 
:irmy  and  navy,  the  most  distinguished  men  and 
a  great  array  of  beautiful  and  critical  women 
were  received  by  the  winsome  bride  and  her  hus 
band.  Popular  receptions  followed,  when  the 
great  crowds  poured  through  the  White  House 
in  democratic  fashion  and  greeted  her  whom  all 
were  willing  to  own  the  first  lady  of  the  land  ; 
dinners  of  state  and  society  dinners  followed; 


COURTSHIP  AND  JMAkklAGk.  197 

guests  were  entertained  at  the  White  House,  and 
its  spacious  chambers  and  hospitable  board  week 
after  week  welcomed  the  highest  society  of  the 
capital  and  of  the  country  at  large  ;  the  Cabinet 
ministers  and  their  wives  entertained  the  Presi 
dential  couple,  and  a  season  of  such  social  bril 
liancy  was  ushered  in  as  Washington  had  never 
known.  In  every  position  and  under  all  circum 
stances  Mrs.  Cleveland  proved  herself  a  woman 
ot  as  noble  mind  as  she  was  acknowledged  to  be 
of  eminent  personal  beauty  and  graceful  accom 
plishments.  Her  courtesy  and  tact  won  the  hearts 
of  men  and  disarmed  the  criticism  of  women.  A 
stranger  to  Washington  society,  she  captivated  it 
from  the  start,  and  her  reign  has  never  ceased 
nor  has  the  influence  of  her  charms  waned. 

In  appearance,  Mrs.  Cleveland  is  tall  and  grace 
ful,  with  soft,  dark-brown  hair  worn  loosely  drawn 
back  from  the  forehead.  Her  eyes  are  violet 
blue,  her  nose  rather  large  and  prominent ;  her 
mouth  is  mobile  and  of  singular  beauty,  and  a  dis 
tinct  individuality  is  imparted  to  the  face  by  heavy 
eyebrows  which  nearly  -meet. 

Mrs,  Cleveland  has,  since  her  marriage,  become 
the  most  popular,  as  she  is  certainly  the  best- 
known  woman,  in  the  United  States.  In  all  the 
varied  domestic,  social,  and  semi-political  duties 
which  devolve  upon  one  placed  in  her  position, 
she  has  never  failed  to  show  the  instincts,  the 
training,  and  the  qualities  which  especially  fitted 


jgg  LIPE  OF  GKOTER  CLEVELAND. 

her  for  her  rank  and  position.  There  has  never 
been  any  desire  for  display.  She  has  gone  freely 
into  society  with  the  President  and  on  her  own 
account  wherever  she  has  been,  but  this  has 
always  been  done  with  a  modesty  and  a  woman 
liness  which  do  herself,  her  sex,  and  the  country 
infinite  credit.  She  has  traveled  much,  generally 
with  the  President,  in  his  summer  jaunts  to  the 
Adirondacks,  and  on  his  revisits  to  his  childhood 
home  in  Central  New  York,  on  his  trips  to 
Harvard  College,  throughout  the  West  and  South, 
to  the  Constitutional  Centennial  Celebration  at  Phil 
adelphia,  to  the  joint  meeting  of  the  Presbyterian 
General  Assemblies  of  the  Northern  and  Southern 
Churches  at  Philadelphia,  and  upon  almost  every 
other  visit  of  importance  which  he  has  made  to 
different  cities,  or  to  meetings  of  organizations  of 
one  kind  or  another.  She  is  always  willing  to 
lend  her  presence  to  assemblies  or  meetings  for 
religious  or  moral  objects,  so  that  she  has  shown 
a  willingness  and  a  determination  to  do  her  duty 
in  the  station  to  which  she  has  been  temporarily 
called.  In  every  way  she  has  proved  herself  an 
efficient  helpmeet,  and  remains  now  what  she 
became  upon  her  marriage  in  June,  1886,  a  faithful 
\\itc  of  an  American  citizen,  called  by  the  will  of 
the  people  of  his  country  to  its  highest  office. 
Occupying  such  a  position,  and  doing  her  duty  thus 
faithfully,  it  is  not  surprising  that  she  has  gained 
*  popularity  quite  as  universal  as  was  ever  ac- 


THE    STATE    DINING    ROOM. 


THE    EAST   ROOM. 


CO  UR  TSHIP  AND  MARRIA  GE.  2 O I 

corded  to  any  mistress  of  the  White  House  ;  and 
our  social  history  has  never  been  illustrated  by 
a  better  example  of  the  true  American  girl,  grow 
ing  at  a  single  step  into  the  highest  type  of  Amer 
ican  womanhood,  measuring  up  to  its  most  sacred 
duties,  and  realizing  the  consecrated  joys  of  our 
purest  domestic  life. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  PRESIDENT'S   TOURS  THROUGH  THE  COUNTRY- 
TRIP  TO  RICHMOND VISIT  TO  HARVARD  COLLEGE— 

THE    GARFIELD    ORATION THE    CLINTON    CENTEN 
NIAL. 

ONE  of  the  most  forcible  and  effective  argu 
ments  used  against  the  election  of 
Cleveland  in  1884  was  his  lack  of  ac 
quaintance  with  the  country  at  large — his  little  ex 
perience  in  meeting  with  the  people  of  the  dif 
ferent  sections,  his  want  of  sympathy  with  the 
varied  elements  which  make  the  composite  citizen 
ship  and  the  vast  material  greatness  of  a  nation 
of  thirty-eight  States  and  of  magnificent  territorial 
possessions.  Devoted  to  his  official  duties  and 
the  arduous  concerns  of  a  law  practice  circum 
scribed  by  the  boundaries  of  his  own  State,  he 
had  before  his  inauguration  visited  Washington 
but  once,  a  casual  and  unnoticed  visitor.  He  knew 
nothing  by  personal  observation  of  the  great 
physical  resources  of  the  rich  empire  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  with  its  mountains  of  mineral  wealth,  its 
blooming  fields  of  agricultural  development,  its 
blazing  coke  ovens,  and  the  rich  yielding  oil  and 
gas  fields.  To  the  academic  halls  of  New  Eng 
land  he  was  a  like  stranger.  In  the  South,  whose 
plantations  were  just  recovering  from  the  wasting 
202 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  TOURS.  203 

ravages  of  war,  he  had    never   visited   a   single 
State.     Nor  had  he  ever  stood  in  the  busy  marts 
of  the  Great  West,  each   striving  for  supremacy 
of  trade.     In    that    magnificent   domain    of    the 
Mississippi  Valley,  mostly  gained  for  the  country 
by  the  foresight  of  the  first  Democratic  President, 
toward  the  middle  of  which  the  centre  of  popu 
lation    has    been    with    each    decennial    census 
steadily  pressing  forward,  the  foot  of  the  twenty- 
second    President   had    never    trod.     A    natural 
sympathy  with  the  sovereign  people — whose  ser 
vant  and  not  their  ruler  he  always  avowed  him 
self — and  a  willingness  to  gratify  the   unceasing 
demand  that  he   should  come  among  them,  im 
pelled  Mr.  Cleveland  to  arrange  a  series  of  visits 
to  the  different  parts  of  the  country.     He  aimed 
only  at  those  which  could  be  reached  without  any 
serious  interruption  of  his  official  duties  and  in  a 
manner  that  added  to  and  did  not  detract  from 
the  invariable  dignity  which  attended  his  exercise 
of  the  magisterial  functions.     During  a  part  of  the 
summer  of  1886,  in  that  heated  term  when  life  is 
rendered  uncomfortable  in  the  capital,  when  Con 
gressional  proceedings  are  ended  and  department 
work  limited  to  the  merest  routine,  he  betook  him 
self  with  his  bride  to  the  cool  fastnesses  and  the 
fishing  grounds  of  the  Adirondacks.    Thither  this 
narrative  need  not  follow   him,  though  wherever 
they  went  they  were  the  cynosure  of  public  at 
tention  and  the  object  of  journalistic  enterprise,  if 
not  of  occasional  impertinence. 


.204  LIFE  OF  G  ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

On  October  2ist,  1886,  the  President,  accom 
panied  by  Secretaries  Bayard,  Endicott,  and  Vilas, 
for  the  first  time  visited  Richmond,  the  capital  of 
the  "Old  Dominion"  State,  and  in  historic  import 
ance  the  first  city  of  the  South.  All  along  the 
way  to  his  destination  and  upon  his  arrival  there 
he  was  greeted  with  enthusiastic  demonstrations, 
and  with  the  courtesy  characteristic  of  a  hospit 
able  and  well-bred  people.  He  was  welcomed  by 
Governor  Fitz  Hugh  Lee  in  a  speech  of  friendly 
salutation,  and  upon  the  grounds  of  the  State 
Fair  Mr.  Cleveland  made  felicitous  reply.  After 
recounting  the  historic  achievements  of  Virginia 
he  said : 

"  In  our  sisterhood  of  States  the  leading  and 
most  commanding  place  must  be  gained  and  kept 
by  that  Commonwealth  which  by  the  labor  and  in 
telligence  of  her  citizens  can  produce  most  of 
those  things  which  meet  the  necessities  and  de 
sires  of  mankind.  But  the  full  advantage  of  that 
which  may  be  yielded  a  State  by  the  toil  and 
ingenuity  of  her  people  is  not  measured  alone  by 
the  money  value  of  the  product.  The  efforts  and 
the  struggles  of  her  farmers  and  her  artisans  not 

oo 

only  create  new  values  in  the  field  of  agriculture 
and  in  the  arts  and  manufactures,  but  they  at  the 
same  time  produce  rugged,  self-reliant,  and  inde 
pendent  men,  and  cultivate  that  product  which 
more  than  all  others  ennobles  a  State — a  patriotic, 
earnest  American  citizenship. 

"This  will  flourish  in  every  part  of  the  Ameri 
can  domain  ;  neither  drought  nor  rain  can  injure 
it,  for  it  takes  root  in  true  hearts  enriched  by  love 


PRESIDENT'S  TOURS. 


205 


of  country.  There  are  no  new  varieties  in  this 
production  ;  it  must  be  the  same  wherever  seen, 
and  its  quality  is  neither  sound  nor  genuine  unless 
it  grows  to  deck  and  beautify  an  entire  and  united 
nation,  nor  unless  it  support  and  sustain  the  in 
stitutions  and  the  Government  founded  to  protec: 
American  liberty  and  happiness. 

"  The  present  Administration  of  the  Government 
is  pledged  to  return  for  such  husbandry  not  only 
promises  but  actual  tenders  of  fairness  and  justice, 
with  equal  protection  and  a  full  participation  in 
national  achievements. 

"  If  in  the  past  we  have  been  estranged,  and 
the  cultivation  of  American  citizenship  has  been 
interrupted,  your  enthusiastic  welcome  of  to-day 
demonstrates  that  there  is  an  end  of  such  estrange 
ment,  and  that  the  time  of  suspicion  and  fear  is 
succeeded  by  an  era  of  faith  and  confidence. 

"  In  such  a  kindly  atmosphere  and  beneath  such 
cheering  skies  I  greet  the  people  of  Virginia  as 
co-laborers  in  the  field  where  grows  the  love  of 
our  united  country. 

"  God  grant  that  in  the  years  to  come  Virginia, 
the  Old  Dominion,  the  Mother  of  Presidents,  she 
who  looked  upon  the  nation  at  its  birth,  may  not 
only  increase  her  trophies  of  growth  in  agricul 
ture  and  manufactures,  but  that  she  may  ^be 
among  the  first  of  all  the  States  in  the  cultivation 
of  true  American  citizenship." 

AT   THE    HARVARD   CELEBRATION. 

In  November,  1886,  Harvard  College,  the  old 
est  and  most  famous  seat  of  the  higher  learning 
in  America,  celebrated  with  fit  ceremony  the  two 


2O6  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

hundred  and  fiftieth  anniversary  of  its  founding. 
Among  those  upon  whom  it  would  have  conferred 
the  degree  of  LL.  D.  was  the  President,  but  he 
declined  it.  Accompanied  by  Mrs.  Cleveland 
and  a  number  of  the  members  of  his  official  staff, 
he  visited  Boston  and  Cambridge  upon  this  occa 
sion.  They  were  welcomed  to  the  metropolis  of 
New  England  by  the  Governor  of  its  principal 
Commonwealth  and  a  brilliant  street  pageant. 
In  the  halls  of  learning  at  Cambridge  they  lis 
tened  to  the  poem  by  that  most  honored  of  Ameri 
can  men  of  letters,  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes;  and 
the  splendid  oration  of  his  co-worker,  who  has 
helped  so  signally  to  give  American  literature 
its  due  recognition  the  world  over,  James  Rus 
sell  Lowell,  concluded  with  this  fine  tribute  to 
the  Chief  Magistrate  of  sixty  millions  of  free 
people : 

"  Brethren  of  the  Alumni,  it  now  becomes  my 
duty  to  welcome  in  your  name  the  guests  who 
have  come,  some  of  them  so  far,  to  share  our 
congratulations  and  hopes  to-day.  I  cannot  name 
them  all  and  give  to  each  his  fitting  phrase.  *  *  * 
There  is  also  one  other  name  of  which  it  would 
be  indecorous  not  to  make  an  exception.  You 
all  know  that  I  can  mean  only  the  President  of 
our  Republic.  His  presence  is  a  signal  honor  to 
us  all,  and  to  us  all  I  may  say  a  personal  gratifi 
cation.  We  have  no  politics  here,  but  the  sons  of 
Harvard  all  belong  to  the  party  which  admires 
courage,  strength  of  purpose,  and  fidelity  to  duty, 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  TOURS.  2O7 

and  which  respects,  wherever  he  may  be  found, 
the 

'Justum  ac  tenacem  -propositi  wrum* 
who  knows  how  to  withstand 

'  Civium  ardor  prava  jubentium. ' 

He  has  left  the  helm  of  State  to  be  with  us  here, 
and  so  long  as  it  is  intrusted  to  his  hands  we  are 
sure  that,  should  the  storm  come,  he  will  say  with 
Seneca's  Pilot,  'O  Neptune!  you  may  save  me  if 
you  will;  you  may  sink  me  if  you  will;  but  what 
ever  happen,  I  shall  keep  my  rudder  true/  ' 

At  the  Alumni  banquet,  where  ex-Attorney. 
General  Charles  Devens  presided,  Mr.  Cleveland 
made  the  following  address : 

"MR.  PRESIDENT  AND  GENTLEMEN: 

"  I  find  myself  to-day  in  a  company  to  which  I 
am  much  unused,  and  when  I  see  the  alumni  of 
the  oldest  college  in  the  land  surrounding  in 
their  right  of  sonship  the  maternal  board  at 
which  I  am  but  an  invited  guest,  the  reflection 
that  for  me  there  exists  no  alma  mater  gives  rise 
to  a  feeling  of  regret  which  is  kindly  tempered 
only  by  the  cordiality  of  your  welcome  and  your 
reassuring  kindness.  If  the  fact  is  recalled  that 
only  twelve  of  my  twenty-one  predecessors  in 
office  had  the  advantage  of  a  collegiate  or  uni 
versity  education,  proof  is  presented  of  the 
democratic  sense  of  our  people  rather  than  an 
argument  against  the  supreme  value  of  the ^  best 
and  most  liberal  education  in  high  public  position. 
There  certainly  can  be  no  sufficient  reason  for 


20S  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

any  space  or  distance  between  the  walks  of  the 
most  classical  education  and  the  way  that  leads 
to  political  place.  Any  disinclination  on  the  part 
of  the  most  learned  and  cultured  of  our  citizens  to 
mingle  in  public  affairs,  and  the  consequent  aban 
donment  of  political  activity  to  those  who  have 
but  little  regard  for  the  student  and  scholar  in 
politics,  are  not  favorable  conditions  under  a 
government  such  as  ours,  and  if  they  have  existed 
to  a  damaging  extent  very  recent  events  appear 
to  indicate  that  education  and  conservatism  of  the 
land  are  to  be  hereafter  more  plainly  heard  in  ex 
pression  of  the  popular  will.  Surely  the  splendid 
destiny  which  awaits  patriotic  effort  in  behalf  of 
our  country  will  be  sooner  reached  if  the  best  of 
our  thinkers  and  educated  men  shall  deem  it  a 
solemn  duty  of  citizenship  to  actively  and  practi 
cally  engage  in  political  affairs,  and  if  the  force  and 
power  of  their  thought  and  learning  shall  be 
willingly  or  unwillingly  acknowledged  in  party 
management.  If  I  am  to  speak  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  I.  desire  to  mention  the 
most  pleasant  and  characteristic  feature  of  our 
system  of  government,  the  nearness  of  the 
people  to  their  President  and  other  high  officials. 
The  close  view  afforded  our  citizens  of  the  acts 
and  conduct  of  those  to  whom  they  have  in 
trusted  their  interests  serves  as  a  regulator  and 
check  upon  the  temptation  and  pressure  of  office, 
and  is  a  constant  reminder  that  diligence  and 
faithfulness  are  the  measure  of  public  duty,  and 
such  relations  between  the  President  and  people 
ought  to  leave  but  little  room  in  the  popular 
judgment  and  conscience  for  unjust  and  false 
accusations,  and  for  malicious  slanders  invented 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  TOURS.  JOQ 

for  the  purpose  of  undermining  the  people's  trust 
and  confidence  in  the  administration  of  their  gov 
ernment.  No  public  officer  should  desire  to  check 
the  utmost  freedom  of  criticism  as  to  all  official 
acts,  but  every  right-thinking  man  must  concede 
that  the  President  of  the  United  States  should  not 
be  put  beyond  the  protection  which  America's 
love  of  fair  play  and  decency  accords  to  every 
American  citizen. 

"  This  trait  of  our  national  character  would  not 
encourage,  if  their  extent  and  tendency  were 
fully  appreciated,  the  silly,  mean,  and  cowardly 
lies  that  every  day  are  found  in  the  columns  of 
certain  newspapers  which  violate  every  instinct  of 
American  manliness,  and  in  ghoulish  glee  dese 
crate  every  sacred  relation  of  private  life.  There 
is  nothing  in  the  highest  office  that  the  American 
people  can  confer  which  necessarily  makes  their 
President  altogether  selfish,  scheming,  and  un- 

o  o " 

trustworthy.  On  the  contrary,  the  solemn  duties 
which  confront  him  tending  to  a  sober  sense  of  the 
responsibility,  trust  of  the  American  people  and 
appreciation  of  their  mission  among  nations  of 
the  earth,  should  make  him  a  patriotic  man,  and 
tales  of  distress  which  reach  him  from  the  hum 
ble  and  lowly  and  needy  and  afflicted  in  every 
corner  of  the  land  cannot  fail  to  quicken  within 
him  every  kind  impulse  and  tender  sensibility. 
After  all  it .  comes  to  this.  The  people  of  the 
United  States  have  one  and  all  a  sacred  mission 
to  perform,  and  your  President,  not  more  surely 
than  any  other  citizen  who  loves  his  country,  must 
assume  a  part  of  the  responsibility  of  demonstrat 
ing  to  the  world  the  success  of  popular  govern 
ment.  No  man  can  hide  his  talent  in  a  napkin 


L 1PE  OF  GR 0  VER  CLE  VELAND. 

and  escape-  condemnation.  His  slothfulness  de* 
serves  not  to  evade  the  stern  sentence  which  his 
iaithlessness  invites. 

14  Be  assured,  my  friends,  that  the  privileges  of 
this  day,  so  full  of'improvement  and  enjoyments, 
of  this  hour,  so  full  of  pleasure  and  cheerful  en- 
roura--< -merits,  will  never  be  forgotten,  and  in 
parting  with  you  now  let  me  express  an  earnest 
hope  that  Harvard's  Alumni  may  always  honor 
the  venerable  institution  which  has  honored  them, 
and  that  no  man  who  forgets  or  neglects  his  duty 
to  American  citizenship  shall  find  his  Alma  Mater 
here.'1 

The  stamp  of  thorough  appreciation  of  hrgh 
culture  upon  this  address  ;  its  graceful  recognition 
of  the  uses  of  the  higher  education,  and  its  dig 
nified  apology  for  his  own  deficiencies,  won  for  its 
author  approval  and  commendation  in  quarters 
wh<;re  just  recognition  of  his  intellectual  qualities 
had  hitherto  been  withheld.  If  the  single  discor 
dant  note,  which  detracted  somewhat  from  the  art 
of  this  otherwise  masterful  speech,  excited  slight 
resentment,  it  was  universally  conceded  that  the 
Mmt  was  smarting  under  deep  provocation, 
and  spoke  with  a  warmth  that  was  justified  by 
every  manly  impulse.  Mankind  thinks  none  the 
less  of  the  impetuous  disciple,  Simon  Peter,  be 
cause  he  cut  off  the  servant's  ear. 

After  the  college  festivities  there  was  accorded 
to  him  a  popular  reception  at  Faneuil  Hall  and  at 
tiv  hotel,  and  in  the  evening  the  University 
students  had  a  great  procession. 


THE  PRESIDENTS  TOURS.  211 

THE    GARFIELD    ORATION. 

Another  felicitous  address  of  Mr.  Cleveland 
was  that  delivered  at  the  dedication  of  the  monu 
ment  to  President  Garfield,  erected  by  the  Society 
of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  at  the  foot  of 
the  Capitol  grounds,  on  May  I2th,  1887.  After 
the  oration  by  J.  Warren  Keifer  and  other  exer 
cises,  the  President  said : 

"  FELLOW- CITIZENS  : 

"  In  performance  of  the  duty  assigned  to  me  on 
this  occasion,  I  hereby  accept,  on  behalf  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  this  completed  and 
beautiful  statue. 

"Amid  the  interchange  of  fraternal  greetings  be 
tween  the  survivors  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumber 
land  and  their  former  foes  upon  the  battlefield, 
and  while  the  Union  General  and  the  people's 
President  awaited  burial,  the  common  grief  of 
these  magnanimous  soldiers  and  mourning  citizens 
found  expression  in  the  determination  to  erect 
this  tribute  to  American  greatness  ;  and  thus  to 
day  in  its  symmetry  and  beauty,  it  presents  a  sign 
of  animosities  forgotten,  an  emblem  of  a  brother 
hood  redeemed,  and  a  token  of  a  nation  restored. 

"  Monuments  and  statues  multiply  throughout 
the  land,  fittingly  illustrative  of  the  love  and  affec 
tion  of  our  grateful  people  and  commemorating 
brave  ^nd  patriotic  sacrifices  in  war,  fame  in 
peaceful  pursuits,  or  honor  in  public  station. 

"But  from  this  day  forth,  there  shall  stand  at  our 
seat  of  Government  this  statue  of  a  distinguished 
citizen,  who  in  his  life  and  services  combined  all 


2!  2  LIFE  OF  GROTER  CLEVELAND. 

those  things  and  more,  which  challenge  admira 
tion  in  American  character — loving  tenderness  in 
every  domestic  relation,  bravery  on  the  field  of 
battle,  fame  and  distinction  in  our  halls  of  legis 
lation,  and  the  highest  honor  and  dignity  in  the 
Chief  Magistracy  of  the  nation. 

"  This  stately  effigy  shall  not  fail  to  teach  every 
beholder  that  the  source  of  American  greatness 
is  confined  to  no  condition,  nor  dependent  alone 
for  its  growth  and  development  upon  favorable 
surrounding  The  genius  of  our  national  life 

o  o 

beckons  to  usefulness  and  honor  those  in  every 
sphere,  and  offers  the  highest  preferment  to  manly 
ambition  and  sturdy,  honest  effort  chastened  and 
consecrated  by  patriotic  hopes  and  aspirations. 
As  long  as  this  statue  stands,  let  it  be  proudly  re 
membered  that  to  every  American  citizen  the  way 
is  open  to  fame  and  station,  until  he — 

" '  Moving  up  from  high  to  higher, 

Becomes  on  Fortune's  crowning  slope 
The  pillar  of  a  People's  hope, 
The  centre  of  a  World's  desire.' 

"Nor  can  we  forget  that  it  also  teaches  our 
people  a  sad  and  distressing  lesson;  and  the 
thoughtful  citizen  who  views  its  fair  proportions 
cannot  fail  to  recall  the  tragedy  of  a  death  which 
brought  grief  and  mourning  to  every  houshold  in 
the  land.  But  while  American  citizenship  stands 
aghast  and  affrighted  that  murder  and  assassina 
tion  should  lurk  in  the  midst  of  a  free  people 
and  strike  down  the  head  of  their  Government,  a 
fearless  search  and  the  discovery  of  the  origin  and 
hiding-place  of  these  hateful  and  unnatural  things, 
should  be  followed  by  a  solemn  resolve  to  purge 
forever  from  our  political  methods  and  from  the 


THE  PRESIDENT'S   TOURS.  2[  . 

operation  of  our  Government,  the  perversions  and 
misconceptions  which  give  birth  to  passionate  and 
bloody  thoughts. 

"  If  from  this  hour  our  admiration  for  the 
bravery  and  nobility  of  American  manhood  and 
our  faith  in  the  possibilities  and  opportunities  of 
American  citizenship  be  renewed,  if  our  apprecia 
tion  of  the  blessing  of  a  restored  Union  and  love 
for  our  Government  be  strengthened,  and  if  our 
watchfulness  against  the  dangers  of  a  mad  chase 
after  partisan  spoils  be  quickened,  the  dedication 
of  this  statue  to  the  people  of  the  United  States 
will  not  be  in  vain." 


AMID    THE    ASSOCIATIONS    OF    HIS   YOUTH. 

In  May,  1887,  the  short  term  of  the  Forty-ninth 
Congress  having  terminated  March  4th,  President 
and  Mrs.  Cleveland  set  out  for  the  Adirondacks, 
and  spent  the  greater  part  of  the  month  of  June 
at  Upper  Saranac  Lake  and  other  points  of  inter 
est  in  that  attractive  region.  After  a  return  to 
Washington  and  official  duties,  Mr.  Cleveland  re 
joined  his  wife  about  the  middle  of  July,  and  with 
Secretary  and  Mrs.  Fairchild  and  other  friends 
they  began  a  series  of  visits  to  points  in  Central 
and  Western  New  York,  which  had  been  familiar 
to  his  boyhood  associations  and  to  which  his  re 
turn  at  this  time  was  of  peculiar  interest  because 
of  certain  historical  celebrations  then  in  progress. 

At  Fayetteville,  N.  Y.,  where  he  had  lived 
eleven  of  the  first  fourteen  years  of  his  life,  in 


214  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

an  address  upon  the  village  green  to  two  thousand 
persons  gathered  to  greet  him,  he  spoke  most 
tenderly  and  feelingly  of  the  schoolmates  and 
childhood  pranks  of  his  early  days.  At  Holland 
Patent,  on  July  i2th;  at  the  Clinton  Centennial, 
July  1 3th  ;  at  Forest  Port,  July  I5th,  where  he  re 
ceived  the  citizens  at  the  home  of  his  brother, 
Rev.  Wm.  N.  Cleveland,  and  at  Cazenovia,  July 
1 8th,  where  he  was  the  guest  of  the  Fairchild 
household,  he  was  deeply  touched  by  the  gracious 
hospitality  and  fervent  greeting  of  the  family 
friends  who  had  watched  his  sudden  rise  to  ex 
alted  position  and  enlarged  usefulness  with  pecu 
liar  local  and  personal  pride.  Of  all  the  ad 
dresses  delivered  upon  this  trip  the  most  notable 
was  that  made  at  Clinton,  than  which  none,  of  his 
public  utterances  more  clearly  reveals  the  pro 
found  sentiment  and  domestic  traits  of  the  Presi 
dent.  He  said: 

"I  am  by  no  means  certain  of  my  standing  here 
among  those  who  celebrate  the  centennial  of 
Clinton's  existence  as  a  village.  My  recollections 
of  the  place  reach  backward  but  about  thirty-six 
years,  and  my  residence  here  covered  a  very  brief 
period.  But  these  recollections  are  fresh  and 
distinct  to-day,  and  pleasant,  too,  though  not  en 
tirely  free  from  sombre  coloring. 

"  It  was  here  in  the  school,  at  the  foot  of 
College  Hill,  that  I  began  my  preparation  for  col- 


ROBERT    E.    PATTISON, 
Twice  Governor  of  Pennsylvania. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S   TOURS.  2  I  S 

lege  life  and  enjoyed  the  anticipation  of  a  collegiate 
education.  We  had  but  two  teachers  in  our  school. 
One  became  afterward  a  judge  in  Chicago  and  the 
other  passed  through  the  legal  profession  to  the 
ministry,  and  within  the  last  two  years  was  living 
further  West.  I  read  a  little  Latin  with  two  other 
boys  in  the  class.  I  think  I  floundered  through 
four  books  of  the  '  ^Eneid.'  The  other  boys  had 
nice,  large,  modern  editions  of  Virgil,  with  big 
print  and  plenty  of  notes  to  help  one  over  the 
hard  places.  Mine  was  a  little,  old-fashioned  copy, 
which  my  father  used  before  me,  with  no  notes, 
and  which  was  only  translated  by  hard  knocks.  I 
believe  I  have  forgiven  those  other  boys  for  their 
persistent  refusal  to  allow  me  the  use  of  the  notes 
in  their  books.  At  any  rate,  they  do  not  seem  to 
have  been  overtaken  by  any  dire  retribution,  for 
one  of  them  is  now  a  rich  and  prosperous  lawyer 
in  Buffalo,  and  the  other  is  a  professor  in  your 
college  and  the  orator  of  to-day's  celebration. 
The  struggles  with  ten  lines  of  Virgil,  which  at 
first  made  up  my  daily  task,  are  amusing  as  re 
membered  now ;  but  with  them  I  am  also  forced 
to  remember  that  instead  of  being  the  beginning 
of  the  higher  education  for  which  I  honestly 
longed,  they  occurred  near  the  end  of  my  school 
advantages.  '  This  suggests  a  disappointment 
which  no  lapse  of  time  can  alleviate,  and  a  de 
privation  I  have  sadly  felt  with  every  passing 
year. 


2  I  6  LIFE  OF  GRO  VER  CLE  VELAND. 

"  I  remember  Benoni  Butler  and  his  store.  I 
don't  know  whether  he  was  an  habitual  poet  or  not, 
but  I  heard  him  recite  one  poem  of  his  own  man 
ufacture  which  embodied  an  account  of  a  travel 
to  or  from  Clinton  in  the  early  days.  I  can  recall 
but  two  lines  of  this  poem,  as  follows  : 

"  *  Paris  Hill  next  came  in  sight, 
And  there  we  tarried  over  night.' 

"  I  remember  the  next-door  neighbors,  Drs. 
Bissell  and  Scollarcl,  and  good,  kind  neighbors 
they  were,  too,  not  your  cross,  crabbed  kind,  who 
could  not  bear  to  see  a  boy  about.  It  always 
seemed  to  me  that  they  drove  very  fine  horses ; 
and  for  that  reason  I  thought  they  must  be  ex 
tremely  rich. 

"  I  don't  know  that  I  should  indulge  further  rec 
ollections  that  must  seem  very  little  like  centen 
nial  history,  but  I  want  to  establish  as  well  as  I 
can  my  right  to  be  here.  I  might  speak  of  the 
College  Faculty,  who  cast  such  a  pleasing  though 
sober  shade  of  dignity  over  the  place,  and  who, 
with  other  educated  and  substantial  citizens,  made 
up  the  best  of  social  life.  I  was  a  boy  then,  and 
slightly  felt  the  atmosphere  of  this  condition,  but, 
notwithstanding,  I  believe  I  absorbed  a  lasting  ap 
preciation  of  the  intelligence  and  refinement  which 
made  this  a  delightful  home. 

"  I  know  that  you  will  bear  with  me,  my  friends, 
if  I  yield  to  the  impulse  which  the  mention  of 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  7  OURS.  2  j  7 

home  creates  and  speak  of  my  own  home  here, 
and  how  through  the  memories  which  cluster  about 
it  I  may  claim  a  tender  relationship  to  your  vil 
lage.  Here  it  was  that  our  family  circle  entire, 
parents  and  children,  lived  day  after  day  in  loving 
and  affectionate  converse,  and  here  for  the  last 
time  we  met  around  the  family  altar  and  thanked 
God  that  our  household  was  unbroken  by  death 
or  separation.  We  never  met  together  in  any 
other  home  after  leaving  this,  and  death  followed 
closely  our  departure.  And  thus  it  is  that  as  with 
advancing  years  I  survey  the  havoc  death  has 
made,  and  the  thoughts  of  my  early  home  become 
more  sacred,  the  remembrance  of  this  pleasant 
spot,  so  related,  is  revived  and  chastened.  I  can 
only  add  my  thanks  for  the  privilege  of  being 
with  you  to-day,  and  wish  for  the  village  of  Clinv 
ton  in  the  future  a  continuation  and  increase  of 
the  blessings  of  the  past." 

THE    CENTENNIAL   AND   THE    CONSTITUTION. 

On  September  I5th,  1 6th,  and  i;th,  1887,  the 
people  of  the  country  celebrated  with  a  magnifi 
cent  pageant  and  eminently  fit  public  exercise, 
the  centennial  of  the  making  of  their  Federal  Con 
stitution  in  Philadelphia.  In  that  city,  a  hundred 
years  before,  had '  sat  the  Congress  which  fash 
ioned  this  great  charter,  pronounced  by  Mr.  Glad 
stone  to  be  "  the  most  wonderful  work  ever  struck 
off  at  a  given  time  by  the  brain  and  purpose  of 


2  I  8  L IFE  OF  GR  °  VER  CLE  VELA  M\ 

man."  The  first  day's  spectacle  was  an  industrial 
parade,  with  twenty  thousand  men  in  line,  and  an 
almost  endless  train  of  devices  to  illustrate  the 
progress  of  a  hundred  years  in  the  arts  and 
sciences.  The  President  and  his  wife,  with  a  party 
of  Cabinet  officers  and  other  friends,  reached  the 
city  on  the  evening  of  that  day.  Mr.  Cleveland 
attended  the  reception  of  the  Catholic  Club  to 
Cardinal  Gibbons,  and  the  reception  to  the  visiting 
Governors  of  the  States  at  the  Academy  of  Fine 
Arts;  next  morning  he  was  welcomed  to  the  Com 
mercial  Exchange,  and  made  an  address  to  the 

o     7 

business  men  of  Philadelphia,  which  was  received 
with  much  favor  ;  later  in  the  day,  he  reviewed 
the  parade  of  twenty  thousand  soldiers,  and  in  the 
evening  the  President  and  Mrs.  Cleveland  re 
ceived  the  people  in  the  Academy  of  Music,  where 
ten  thousand  persons  paid  their  respects,  The 
same  evening,  the  President  visited  the  dinner  of 
the  Clover  Club,  a  Bohemian  dining  organization, 
at  whose  board  some  of  the  most  brilliant  wits  of 
the  country  are  to  be  found,  and  he  bravely  held 
his  own  in  light  badinage  and  ready  repartee. 
The  literary  and  musical  exercises  were  held  Sat 
urday,  September  i;th,  1887,  in  Independence 
Square,  and,  before  the  delivery  of  the  oration 
by  Justice  Miller,  of  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court,  the  President  made  the  following  address: 
"I  deem  it  a  very  great  honor  and  pleasure  to 
participate  in  these  impressive  ex-ercises.  Every 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  TOURS.  2IQ 

American  citizen  should  on  this  centennial  day 
rejoice  in  his  citizenship.  He  will  not  find  the 
cause  of  his  rejoicing  in  the  antiquity  of  his 
country,  for  among  the  nations  of  the  earth  his 
stands  with  the  youngest.  He  will  not  find  it  in 
the  glitter  and  the  pomp  that  bedeck  a  monarch 
and  dazzle  abject  and  servile  subjects,  for  in  this 
country  the  people  themselves  are  the  rulers.  He 
will  not  find  it  in  the  story  of  bloody  foreign  con 
quests,  for  his  Government  has  been  content  to 
care  for  its  own  domain  and  people.  He  should 
rejoice  because  the  work  of  framing  our  Constitu 
tion  was  completed  one  hundred  years  ago  to 
day,  and  because  when  completed  it  established  a 
free  Government.  He  should  rejoice  because 
this  Constitution  and  Government  have  survived 
with  so  many  blessings  and  have  demonstrated  so 
fully  the  strength  and  value  of  popular  rule.  He 
should  rejoice  in  the  wondrous  growth  and 
achievements  of  the  past  one  hundred  years  and 
also  in  the  glorious  promise  of  the  Constitution 
through  centuries  to  come.  We  shall  fail  to  be 
duly  thankful  for  all  that  was  done  for  us  one 
hundred  years  ago  unless  we  realize  the  difficul 
ties  of  the  work  then  in  hand,  and  the  dangers 
avoided  in  the  task  of  forming  '  a  more  perfect 
Union'  between  disjointed  and  inharmonious 
States,  with  interests  and  opinions  radically  diverse 
and  stubbornly  maintained.  The  perplexities  of 
the  Convention  which  undertook  the  labor  of  pre- 


22O  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

paring  our  Constitution  are  apparent  in  these 
earnest  words  of  one  of  the  most  illustrious  of 
its  members :  '  The  small  progress  we  have  made 
after  four  or  five  weeks  of  close  attendance  and 
continued  reasoning  with  each  other,  our  different 
sentiments  on  almost  every  question — several  of 
the  last  producing  as  many  noes  as  yeas — is, 
methinks,  a  melancholy  proof  of  the  imperfection 
of  the  human  understanding.  We  indeed  seem 
to  feel  our  want  of  political  wisdom,  since  we  have 
been  running  about  in  search  of  it.  We  have 
gone  back  to  ancient  history  for  models  of  gov 
ernment  and  examined  the  different  forms  of 
those  republics  which,  having  been  formed  with 
the  seeds  of  their  own  dissolution,  now  no  longer 
exist.  In  this  situation  of  this  assembly,  groping 
as  it  were  in  the  dark  to  find  political  truth,  and 
scarce  able  to  distinguish  it  when  presented  to  us, 
how  has  it  happened,  sir,  that  we  have  heretofore 
not  once  thought  of  humbly  applying  to  the  Father 
of  Light  to  illuminate  our  understanding?' 

"And  this  wise  man,  proposing  to  his  fellows 
that  the  aid  and  blessing  of  God  should  be  in 
voked  in  their  extremity,  declared  :  '  I  have  lived, 
sir,  a  long  time,  and  the  longer  I  live  the  more 
convincing  proof  I  see  of  the  truth  that  God  gov 
erns  in  the  affairs  of  men.  And  if  a  sparrow  can 
not  fall  to  the  ground  without  His  notice,  is  it 
probable  that  an  empire  can  rise  without  His  no 
tice?  We  have  been  assured,  sir,  in  the  sacred 


THE  PRESIDENT '  S  TO  UXS.  2  2  I 

writings,  that  except  the  Lord  build  the  house, 
they  labor  in  vain  that  build  it.  I  firmly  believe 
this,  and  I  also  believe  that  without  His  concur 
ring  aid  we  shall  succeed  in  this  political  building 
no  better  than  the  building  of  Babylon.  We  shall 
be  divided  by  our  little  partial  interests,  our  pro 
jects  shall  be  confounded,  and  we  ourselves  shall 
become  a  reproach  and  byword  down  to  future 
ages  ;  and,  what  is  worse,  mankind  may  hereafter 
from  this  unfortunate  instance  despair  of  estab 
lishing  governments  by  human  wisdom  and  leave 
it  to  chance,  war,  and  conquest.' 

"  In  the  face  of  all  discouragements  the  fathers 
of  the  Republic  labored  on  for  four  weary,  long 
months  in  alternate  hope  and  fear,  but  always 
with  rugged  resolve,  never  faltering  in  a  sturdy 
endeavor  sanctified  by  a  prophetic  sense  of  the 
value  to  posterity  of  their  success  and  always 
with  unflinching  faith  in  the  principles  which  make 
the  foundation  of  a  government  by  the  people. 
At  last  their  task  was  clone.  It  is  related  that 
upon  the  back  of  the  chair  occupied  by  Washing 
ton  as  President  of  the  Convention  a  sun  was 
painted,  and  that  as  the  delegates  were  signing 
the  completed  Constitution  one  of  them  said  :  'I 
have  often  and  often,  in  the  course  of  the  session 
and  in  the  solicitude  of  my  hopes  and  fears  as  to 
its  issue,  looked  at  that  sun  behind  the  President 
without  being  able  to  tell  whether  it  was  rising  or 
setting.  But  now  at  length  I  know  that  it  is  a  ris- 


222  LIFE  OF  GRO VER  CLE  VELAND. 

ing  and  not  a  setting  sun/  We  stand  to-day  on  the 
spot  where  this  rising  sun  emerged  from  political 
night  and  darkness,  and  in  its  own  bright  meridian 
light  we  mark  its  glorious  way.  Clouds  have 
sometimes  obscured  its  rays  and  dreadful  storms 
have  made  us  fear,  but  God  has  held  it  on  its 
course,  and  through  its  life-giving  warmth  has 
performed  His  latest  miracle  in  the  creation  of 
this  wondrous  land  and  people.  As  we  look 
down  that  past  century  to  the  origin  of  our  Con 
stitution  ;  as  we  contemplate  its  trials  and  its  tri 
umphs  ;  as  we  realize  how  completely  the  princi 
ples  upon  which  it  is  based  have  met  every 
national  peril  and  every  national  deed,  how  de 
voutly  should  we  confess  with  Franklin,  '  God 
governs  in  the  affairs  of  men/  and  how  solemn 
should  be  the  reflection  that  to  our  hands  is  com 
mitted  this  ark  of  the  people's  covenant,  and  that 
ours  is  the  duty  to  shield  it  from  impious  hands. 
We  receive  it  sealed  with  the  tests  of  a  century. 
It  has  been  found  sufficient  in  the  past,  and  in  all 
the  future  years  it  will  be  found  sufficient  if  the 
American  people  are  true  to  their  sacred  trust. 

"  Another  centennial  day  will  come,  and  millions 
yet  unborn  will  inquire  concerning  our  steward 
ship  and  the  safety  of  their  Constitution.  God 
grant  that  they  may  find  it  unimpaired  ;  and  as  we 
rejoice  in  the  patriotism  and  devotion  of  those 
who  lived  a  hundred  years  ago,  so  may  others 
who  follow  us  rejoice  in  our  fidelity  and  in  our 
jealous  love  for  constitutional  liberty," 


TttE  PRESIDENT'S  TOURS. 

In  the  evening  a  great  banquet  was  given 
jointly  by  the  learned  and  scientific  societies  of 
Philadelphia  in  the  Academy  of  Music.  Six 
hundred  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  the 
country  sat  down  to  it,  and  the  President  made 
another  felicitous  address,  after  having  also, 
earlier  in  the  evening,  made  a  happy  after- 
dinner  speech  at  the  quarterly  feast  of  the 
Friendly  Sons  of  St.  Patrick.  Philadelphia  so 
ciety,  critical,  exclusive,  and  intensely  Republican, 
was  stirred  to  its  depths  with  enthusiasm  for  the 
President,  and  only  divided  the  lavish  honors  paid 
him  with  his  winsome  and  popular  helpmeet. 

On  October  28th,  1886,  President  Cleveland 
bore  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  ceremonies  of  un 
veiling  the  Bartholcli  Statue  of  "  Liberty "  on 
Bedloe  Island  in  New  York  Harbor.  This  mag 
nificent  work  was  the  gift  to  America  of  the 
sculptor  and  the  French  people  ;  the  enterprise 
of  the  New  York  World  secured  the  necessary 
fund  to  erect  the  pedestal.  The  dedication  of  it 
was  the  occasion  of  a  great  civic,  military,  and 
naval  demonstration  ;  and  Mr.  Cleveland's  brief 
address  was  graceful  and  appropriate. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE    TOUR   TO    THE    SOUTH    AND    WEST. 

THE  greatest  popular  ovation  and  personal 
triumph  awaited  his  journey  to  the  West, 
the  Northwest,  and  the  South.  A  hun 
dred  years  before  the  chief  executive"  of  the  Re 
public,  the  father  of  his  country,  had  set  the  well- 
approved  fashion  of  a  President  becoming  per 
sonally  acquainted  with  the  land  whose  affairs  he 
is  expected  to  administer.  In  1791  Washington 
visited  New  England  and  went  as  far  south  as 
Augusta,  Ga.,  traveling  one  thousand  seven  hun 
dred  miles  in  sixty-six  days. 

On  the  morning  of  September  3Oth,  1 887,  a  train 
of  three  magnificently  appointed  Pullman  palace 
cars,  furnished  with  all  the  appliances  and  comforts 
of  modern  travel,  drew  out  from  the  Baltimore  and 
Potomac  Station  in  Washington,  bearing  the  Presi 
dent,  his  wife,  Secretary  Lamont  and  wife,  and 
other  political  associates  and  personal  friends, 
ladies  and  gentlemen,  the  party  being  some 
what  '-h;)!!--']  at  different  points  of  the  route.  At 
Baltimore,  York,  Harrisburg,  Altoona,  Pittsburgh, 

224 


TOUR  TO  THE  SOUTH  AND   WEST.  227 

and  other  stopping  places,  great  crowds  of  people 
thronged  the  railway  stations  and  gave  vent  to 
their  enthusiasm  by  every  conceivable  variety  of 
demonstration. 

Beyond  Pittsburgh  the  shooting  of  a  gas  well, 
especially  arranged  for  the  Presidential  party  by 
Mr.  James  M.  Guffey,  was  a  novel  spectacle,  illus 
trative  of  the  peculiar  natural  features  and  mar 
velous  resources  of  Western  Pennsylvania.  The 
State  of  Ohio  was  traversed  at  nighttime,  and 
the  first  stop  was  made  in  Indianapolis.  There  a 
general  decoration  of  the  city,  a  great  procession 
of  people,  booming  cannon,  pealing  bells,  and 
bands  of  music  welcomed  the  distinguished  party. 
In  responding  to  Governor  Gray's  address  the 
President  paid  a  feeling  tribute  to  Indiana's  great 
statesman,  who  had  been  associated  with  him  on 
the  ticket  in  1884,  and  Mrs.  Hendricks  entertained 
the  visitors  at  lunch.  Resuming  their  journey,  the 
party  reached  St.  Louis  at  midnight  of  the  second 
and  third  days;  and  attendance  upon  Divine 
worship  on  Sunday  was  followed  next  day  with 
visits  to  the  Fair,  then  in  progress,  receptions  at 
the  hands  of  the  Commercial  Exchanges,  general 
assemblages  of  the  people  to  do  honor  to  their 
civil  head,  and  the  pomp  of  immense  parades. 

Chicago  was  reached  on  October  5th,  and  like 
scenes  of  popular  enthusiasm  were  witnessed 
there.  In  a  public  address  in  that  city  the  Presi 
dent  gave  expression  to  his  idea  of  the  duty  of 


228  LIFE  OF  GRO\ 'ER  CLE  VELAND. 

the  people  in  relation    to   the   responsibilities   o) 
their  officials : 

41  You  have  said  the  President  ought  to  see 
Chicago.  I  am  here  to  see  it  and  its  hospitable, 
large-hearted  people.  But  because  your  city  is  so 
great,  and  your  interests  so  large  and  important, 
i  know  you  will  allow  me  to  suggest  that  I  have 
left  at  home  a  city  you  ought  to  see  and  know 
more  about.  In  point  of  fact,  it  would  be  well  for 
you  to  keep  your  eyes  closely  upon  it  all  the 
time.  Your  servants  and  agents  are  there.  They 
are  there  to  protect  your  interests  and  to  aid 
your  efforts  to  advance  your  prosperity  and  well- 
being.  Your  bustling  trade,  and  your  wearing, 
ceaseless  activity  of  hand  and  brain,  will  not  yield 
the  results  you  deserve  unless  wisdom  guides  the 
policy  of  your  Government,  and  unless  your  needs 
are  regarded  at  the  Capitol  of  the  nation.  It  will 
be  well  for  you  not  to  forget  that  in  the  perform 
ance  of  your  political  duties  with  calm  thoughtful- 
ness  and  broad  patriotism  there  lies  not  only  a 
safeguard  against  business  disaster,  but  an  im 
portant  obligation  of  citizenship." 

From  Chicago  the  tourists  went  to  Milwaukee, 
thence  to  Madison,  where  the  Sabbath  was  quietly 
spent  with  the  family  of  Postmaster-General  Vilas. 
In  a  speech  at  the  banquet  given  by  the  people  of 
Milwaukee,  Mr.  Cleveland,  speaking  of  the  Pres 
idency,  used  this  langua- 

"  And  because  it  belongs  to  all  the  people,  the 


TOUR  TO  THE  SOUTH  AND  WEST.  22Q 

obligation  is  manifest  on  their  part  to  maintain  a 
constant  and  continuous  watchfulness  and  interest 
concerning  its  care  and  operation.  Their  duty  is 
not  entirely  done  when  they  have  exercised  their 
suffrage  and  indicated  their  choice  of  the  incum- 

o 

bent.  Nor  is  their  duty  performed  by  settling 
down  to  bitter,  malignant,  and  senseless  abuse  of 
all  that  is  done  or  attempted  to  be  done  by  the 
incumbent  selected.  The  acts  of  an  Administra 
tion  should  not  be  approved  as  a  matter  of  course, 
and  for  no  better  reason  than  that  it  represents  a 
political  party.  But  more  unpatriotic  than  all  others 
are  those  who,  having  neither  party  discontent 
nor  fair  ground  of  criticism  to  excuse  or  justify 
their  conduct,  rail  because  of  personal  disappoint 
ments,  who  misrepresent  for  sensational  purposes, 
and  who  profess  to  see  swift  destruction  in  the 
rejection  of  their  plans  of  governmental  manage 
ment.  After  all,  we  need  have  no  fear  that  the 
American  people  will  permit  this  high  office  to 
suffer.  There  is  a  patriotic  sentiment  abroad  which, 
in  the  midst  of  all  party  feeling  and  all  party  dis 
appointment,  will  assert  Itself,  and  will  insist  that 
the  office  which  stands  for  the  people's  will,  shall, 
in  all  its  vigor,  minister  to  their  prosperity  and 

welfare." 

From  Madison,  by  way  of  La  Crosse,  the  Pres 
idential  company  proceeded  to  St.  Paul  and  Min 
neapolis,  the  two   marvelous  cities  of  the  great 
Northwest.     To  the  people  of  St.  Paul  the  Pre: 
dent  pleasantly  said : 


230  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

"  My  visit  to  you  being  a  social  one,  and  trusting 
that  we  have  a  sort  of  friendly  feeling  for  each 
other,  I  want  to  suggest  to  you  why  I  am  particu 
larly  and  personally  interested  in  St.  Paul  and 
its  people.  Some  years  ago  a  young  girl  dwelt 
among  you  and  went  to  school.  She  has  grown 
up  to  be  a  woman,  and  is  now  my  wife.  If  any 
one  thinks  a  President  ought  not  to  mention  things 
of  this  sort  in  public,  I  hope  he  or  she  does  not 
live  in  St.  Paul,  for  I  do  not  want  to  shock  any 
body  when  I  thank  the  good  people  of  this  city 
because  they  neither  married  nor  spoiled  my 
wife,  and  when  I  tell  them  they  are  related  to  that 
in  my  life  better  than  all  earthly  honors  and  dis 
tinctions.  Hereafter,  you  may  be  sure  that  her 
pleasant  recollections  of  her  school  days  will  be 
reinforced  by  the  no  less  pleasant  memory  of  our 
present  visit,  and  thus  will  our  present  interest  in 
St.  Paul  and  its  kind  citizens  be  increased  and 
perpetuated." 

The  train  left  Minneapolis  for  Omaha  early  on 
the  morning  of  October  1 2th,  and  as  progress 
westward  was  made  the  demonstrations  of  wel 
come  took  on  a  more  novel  aspect.  At  Chaska 
tar  barrels  stacked  high  were  burned,  balloons 
set  off,  and  brass  bands  drowned  the  locomotive 
whistle.  At  Sioux  City  baskets  of  flowers  were 
showered  upon  the  guests  of  the  people ;  and  in 
Omaha  a  great  concourse  welcomed  them.  Thence 
the  trip  was  directed  to  Kansas  City,  where  a 


EX-GOVERNOR   CAMPBELL. 


TOUR  TO  THE  SOUTH  AND  WEST.  231 

longer  stay  had  been  arranged.  While  there  the 
President  laid  the  corner-stone  of  the  new  build 
ing  for  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Association, 
and  the  following  is  an  extract  from  his  address 
•ipon  that  occasion : 

"  In  the  busy  activities  of  our  daily  life  we  are 
apt  to  neglect  instrumentalities  which  are  quietly 
but  effectually  doing  most  important  service  in 
molding  our  national  character.  Among  these, 
and  challenging  but  little  notice  compared  with 
their  valuable  results,  are  the  Young  Men's  Chris 
tian  Associations  scattered  throughout  the  country. 
All  will  admit  the  supreme  importance  of  that 
honesty  and  fixed  principle  which  rest  upon 
Christian  motives  and  purposes,  and  all  will  ac 
knowledge  the  sad  and  increasing  temptations 
which  beset  our  young  men  and  lure  them  to  their 
destruction. 

"To  save  these  young  men,  oftentimes  de 
prived  of  the  restraints  of  home,  from  degrada 
tion  'ind  ruin,  and  to  fit  them  for  usefulness 
and  honor,  these  associations  have  entered 
the  field  of  Christian  effort  and  are  pushing 
their  noble  work.  When  it  is  considered  that  the 
objects  of  their  efforts  are  to  be  the  active  men 
for  good  or  evil  in  the  next  generation,  mere 
human  prudence  dictates  that  these  associations 
should  be  aided  and  encouraged.  Their  increase 
and  flourishing  condition  reflect  the  highest  honor 
upon  the  good  men  who  have  devoted  themselves 


232  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

to  this  work,  and  demonstrate  that  the  American 
people  are  not  entirely  lacking  in  appreciation  ol 
its  value.  Twenty  years  ago  but  one  of  these 
associations  owned  a  building,  and  that  was  valued 
at  eleven  thousand  dollars.  To-day  more  than 
one  hundred  such  buildings,  valued  at  more  than 
five  million  dollars,  beautify  the  different  cities  of 
our  land  and  beckon  our  young  men  to  lives  of 
usefulness. 

"  I  am  especially  pleased  to  be  able  to  participate 
to-day  in  laying  the  corner-stone  of  another  of 
these  edifices  in  this  active  and  growing  city ;  and 
I  trust  that  the  encouragement  given  the  Young 
Men's  Christian  Association  located  here  may  be 
commensurate  with  its  assured  usefulness  and  in 
keeping  with  the  generosity  and  intelligence  which 
are  characteristic  of  the  people  of  Kansas  City.'1 

Turning  southward  from  Kansas  City,  the  next 
important  stop  was  made  at  Memphis,  Tenn.  On 
the  way  thither,  what  might  have  proved  a  terri 
ble  disaster  was  averted  by  the  providential  dis 
covery  in  good  time  that  a  trestle  over  which  the 
train  must  pass  had  been  fired.  A  sad  accident 
which  clouded  the  celebration  at  Memphis  was  the 
sudden  death  of  Judge  John  T.  Ellett,  who  expired 
on  the  platform  just  after  the  President  had  replied 
to  the  address  of  welcome  delivered  by  Judge 
Ellett  for  his  fellow-citizens.  Sunday  was  spent 
at  the  beautiful  Belle  Meade  farm  of  General  W, 
H.  Jackson,  and  on  Monday,  October  i  jth,  Nash- 


TOUR  TO  THE  SOUTH  AND   WEST.  2^- 

oo 

ville  and  Chattanooga  received  the  visitors  with 
true  Southern  hospitality.  Atlanta,  Georgia,  and 
Montgomery,  Alabama,  were  reserved  for  the 
close  of  the  tour,  which  had  been  from  the  begin 
ning  a  perfect  success,  and  was  attended  with  such 
demonstrations  of  popular  good  feeling  as  no 
event  since  the  close  of  the  war  had  excited.  At 
Montgomery,  the  President,  his  heart  filled  with 
joy  at  the  sure  signs  he  saw  everywhere  of  a  re 
stored  Union  and  a  subsidence  of  sectionalism, 
said : 

"  Your  fellow-countrymen  appreciate  the  value 
of  intimate  and  profitable  business  relations  with 
you,  and  there  need  be  no  fear  that  they  will  per 
mit  them  to  be  destroyed  or  endangered  by  de 
signing  demagogues.  The  wickedness  of  those 
partisans  who  seek  to  aid  their  ambitious  schemes 
by  engendering  hate  among  a  generous  people  is 
fast  meeting  exposure  ;  and  yet  there  is  and  should 
be  an  insistence  upon  a  strict  adherence  to  the 
settlement  which  has  been  made  of  disputed 
questions  and  upon  the  unreserved  acceptance  of 
such  settlement.  As  against  this  I  believe  no 
business  considerations  should  prevail,  and  I 
firmly  believe  that  there  is  American  fairness 
enough  abroad  in  the  land  to  insure  a  proper  and 
substantial  recognition  of  the  good  faith  which 
you  have  exhibited.  We  know  that  you  still  have 
problems  to  solve  involving  considerations  con 
cerning  you  alone,  questions  beyond  the  reach  of 


234  LIFE  OF  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

Federal  law  or  interference,  and  with  which  none 
but  you  should  deal.  I  have  no  fear  that  you 
will  fail  to  do  your  manful  duty  in  these  matters, 
but  may  I  not,  in  the  extension  of  the  thoughts 
which  I  have  before  suggested,  say  to  you  that 
the  educational  advantages  and  the  care  which 
may  be  accorded  to  every  class  of  your  citizens 
have  a  relation  to  the  general  character  of  the 
entire  country  as  intimate  and  potential  as  your 
production  and  the  development  of  your  mineral 
resources  have  to  its  material  prosperity?" 

The  tone  of  this  address  reflected  the  feelings 
awakened  not  only  in  the  President,  but  in  the 
minds  of  his  fellow-countrymen,  who  were  deeply 
impressed  by  the  pervading  and  enthusiastic  pa 
triotism  of  a  section  so  lately  estranged;  and  when 
Mr.  Cleveland  returned  to  Washington  on  Octo 
ber  22d,  his  movements  for  the  past  three  weeks 
had  done  much  to  strengthen  the  popular  senti 
ment  in  behalf  of  obliterating  from  American  pol 
itics  the  baleful  issues  of  race  and  sectional  strife. 

AT   THE    PRESBYTERIAN    REUNION. 

On  February  2ist,  1888,  the  President  and  his 
wife,  accompanied  by  some  of  his  Cabinet  made  a 
brief  trip  to  a  part  of  the  South  not  visited  before. 
They  spent  a  day  or  two  in  Jacksonville,  Florida, 
being  received  there  and  at  all  the  stations  on  the 
way  with  extravagant  outbursts  of  enthusiasm. 
Returning,  a  few  days  later,  they  were  greeted  in 


~OUR   TO   THE  SOUTH  AND   WEST.  235 

Charleston,  S.  C.,  with  like  cordiality  and  heart 
iness. 

In  May,  1888,  the  two  General  Assemblies 
of  the  Presbyterian  Church,  North  and  South, 
being  then  in  session  in  Philadelphia  and  Balti 
more,  respectively,  the  notion  was  conceived  by 
some  of  the  good  people  desiring  the  closer 
union  and  the  final  reconciliation  of  these  bodies 
to  bring  them  into  a  social  conference.  Arrange 
ments  were  made  for  public  meetings  and  for  the 
private  entertainment  of  the  delegates ;  the  Pres 
ident,  himself  the  son  of  a  Presbyterian  clergyman, 
was  urgently  invited  to  participate  in  the  exer 
cises,  and  he  visited  Philadelphia  for  that  purpose. 

At  a  reception  to  the  members  of  the  two  As 
semblies,  given  by  Mr.  Wistar  Morris  at  his  home 
in  Overbrook,  a  suburb  of  Philadelphia,  on  May 
2ist,  the  President  spoke  as  follows  : 

"I  am  very  much  gratified  by  the  opportunity 
here  afforded  me  to  meet  the  representatives  of 
the  Presbyterian  Church. 

"Surely  a  man  never  should  lose  his  interest  in 
the  welfare  of  the  Church  in  which  he  was  reared ; 
and  yet  I  will  not  find  fault  with  any  of  you  who 
deem  ita  sad  confession  made  when  I  acknowledge 
that  I  must  recall  the  days  now  long  past  to  find 
my  closest  relations  to  the  grand  and  noble  de 
nomination  which  you  represent.  I  say  this  be 
cause  those  of  us  who  inherit  fealty  to  our  Church, 
as  I  did,  begin  early  to  learn  those  things  which 


oo  K  LIFE  OF  GR OVER  CLEVELAND. 

Z3° 

make  us  Presbyterians  all  the  days  of  our  lives  ; 
and  thus  it  is  that  the  rigors  of  our  earliest  teach 
ing,  by  which  we  are  grounded  in  our  lasting 
allegiances,  are  especially  vivid  and  perhaps  the 
best  remembered.  The  attendance  upon  church 
services  three  times  each  Sunday,  and  upon  Sab 
bath-school  during  noon  intermission,  may  be 
irksome  enough  to  a  boy  of  ten  or  twelve  years 
of  age  to  be  well  fixed  in  his  memory  ;  but  I  have 
never  known  a  man  who  regretted  these  things 
in  the  years  of  his  maturity.  The  Shorter  Cate 
chism,  though  thoroughly  studied  and  learned, 
was  not,  perhaps,  at  the  time  perfectly  understood; 
and  yet  in  the  stern  duties  and  labors  of  after  life 
those  are  not  apt  to  be  the  worst  citizens  who 
were  early  taught,  '  What  is  the  chief  end  of 
man  ?' 

"  Speaking  of  these  things  and  in  the  presence 
of  those  here  assembled,  the  most  tender  thoughts 
crowd  upon  my  mind — all  connected  with  Presby- 
terianism  and  its  teachings.  There  are  present 
with  me  now  memories  of  a  kind  and  affectionate 
father,  consecrated  to  the  cause,  and  called  to  his 
rest  and  his  reward  in  the  midday  of  his  useful 
ness  ;  a  sacred  recollection  of  the  prayers  and 
pious  love  of  a  sainted  mother  and  a  family  circle 
hallowed  and  sanctified  by  the  spirit  of  Presbyte- 
rianism. 

"  I  certainly  cannot  but  express  the  wish  and 
hope  that  the  Presbyterian  Church  will  always  be 


TOUR   TO   Till?  SOUTH  AND   WEST,  2  ^  - 

oy 

at  the  front  in  every  movement  which  promises 
the  temporal  as  well  as  the  spiritual  advancement 
of  mankind.  In  the  turmoil  and  the  bustle  of 
every-day  life  few  men  are  foolish  enough  to 
ignore  the  practical  value  to  our  people  and  oin 
country  of  the  church  organizations  established 
among  us  and  the  advantage  of  Christian  exam 
ple  and  teaching. 

"  The  field  is  vast  and  the  work  sufficient  to  en 
gage  the  efforts  of  every  sect  and  denomination ; 
but  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  Church  which 
is  most  tolerant  and  conservative  without  loss  of 
spiritual  strength  will  soonest  find  the  way  to  the 
hearts  and  affections  of  the  people.  While  we 
may  be  pardoned  for  insisting  that  our  denomina 
tion  is  the  best,  we  may,  I  think,  safely  concede 
much  that  is  good  to  all  other  Churches  that  seek 
to  make  men  better. 

"  I  am  here  to  greet  the  delegates  of  two  Gen 
eral  Assemblies  of  the  Presbyterian  Church.  One 
is  called  'North'  and  the  other 'South.'  The  subject 
is  too  deep  and  intricate  for  me,  but  I  cannot  help 
wondering  why  this  should  be.  These  words,  so 
far  as  they  denote  separation  and  estrangement, 
should  be  obsolete.  In  the  counsels  of  the  nation 
and  in  the  business  of  the  country  they  no  longer 
mean  reproach  and  antagonism.  Even  the  sol 
diers  who  fought  for  the  North  and  for  the  South 
are  restored  to  fraternity  and  unity.  This  frater 
nity  and  unity  is  taught  and  enjoined  by  our 


LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAXn. 

Church.  When  shall  she  herself  be  united  with 
all  the  added  strength  and  usefulness  that  har 
mony  and  union  insure  ?" 

TO    THE    CATHOLIC    CLUB. 

The  frankness  and  self-assertion  of  this  expres 
sion,  coupled  with  a  true  spirit  of  religious  tolera 
tion,  recall  Mr.  Cleveland's  letter  to  the  Catholic 
Club,  of  Philadelphia,  to  which,  under  date  of 
February  ioth.  1887,  he  wrote: 

"  The  thoughtfulness  which  prompted  this  invi 
tation  is  gratefully  appreciated,  and  I  regret  that 
my  public  duties  here  will  prevent  its  acceptance. 
I  should  be  glad  to  join  the  contemplated  expres 
sion  of  respect  to  be  tendered  to  the  distinguished 
head  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States, 
whose  personal  acquaintance  I  very  much  enjoy, 
and  who  is  so  worthily  entitled  to  the  esteem  of 
all  his  fellow-citizens. 

"  I  thank  you  for  the  admirable  letter  which  ac 
companied  my  invitation,  in  which  you  announce 
as  one  of  the  doctrines  of  your  Club  '  that  a  good 
and  exemplary  Catholic  must,  ex  necessitate  rei, 
be  a  good  and  exemplary  citizen,'  and  '  that  the 
teachings  of  both  human  and  divine  law,  thus 
merging  in  the  one  word  duty,  form  the  only 
union  of  Church  and  State  that  a  civil  and  religious 
Government  can  recognize.' 

"  I  know  you  will  permit  me  as  a  Protestant  to 
supplement  this  noble  sentiment  by  the  expres- 


TOUR  TO   THE  SOUTH  AND   WEST.  239 

sion  of  my  conviction  that  the  same  influence  and 
result  follow  a  sincere  and  consistent  devotion  to 
the  teachings  of  every  religious  creed  which  is 
based  upon  Divine  sanction.  A  wholesome  relio-- 
ious  faith  thus  inures  to  the  perpetuity,  the  safety, 
and  prosperity  of  our  Republic,  by  exacting  the 
due  observance  of  civil  law,  the  preservation  of 
public  order,  and  a  proper  regard  for  the  rights 
of  all ;  and  thus  are  its  adherents  better  fitted  for 
good  citizenship  and  confirmed  in  a  sure  and 
steadfast  patriotism.  It  seems  to  me,  too,  that 
the  conception  of  duty  to  the  State,  which  is 
derived  from  religious  precept,  involves  a  sense  of 
personal  responsibility  which  is  of  the  greatest 
value  in  the  operation  of  the  Government  by  the 
people.  It  will  be  a  fortunate  day  for  our  country 
when  every  citizen  feels  that  he  has  an  ever 
present  duty  to  perform  to  the  State  which  he 
cannot  escape  from  or  neglect  without  being  false 
to  his  religious  as  well  as  his  civil  allegiance.'* 

VERSATILITY    OF    GENIUS. 

On  June  27th,  1888,  the  President  attended  the 
commencement  exercises  of  the  University  of 
Virginia,  at  Charlottesville,  conferred  the  degrees 
upon  the  graduates,  received  many  thousands  of 
visitors,  and  responded  to  a  sentiment  at  the 
alumni  dinner,  after  which  he  visited  the  house 
and  the  grave  of  Jefferson,  founder  of  the  Univer 
sity, 


240  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

On  July  3d,  1888,  the  German  singing  societies 
of  the  country,  holding  their  national  Saengerfest 
in  Baltimore,  Md.,  gave  the  President  and  his  wife 
an  urgent  invitation  to  attend  one  of  their  grand 
concerts  in  the  Academy  of  Music.  The  invita 
tion  was  accepted,  and  the  visit  was  the  occasion 
of  a  magnificent  ovation  to  the  Presidential  party, 
not  only  from  his  enthusiastic  German  admirers, 
but  from  the  Democratic  clubs  of  the  country, 
then  assembling  in  their  great  Fourth  of  July  Con 
vention. 

The  foregoing  narrative  recalls  visits  of  the 
President  to  every  section  of  the  country  except 
ing  the  Pacific  slope  and  the  extreme  Southwest, 
touching  three-fourths  of  the  States  and  many  of 
the  chief  cities;  demanding  from  him  attention  to 
the  widest  variety  of  interests,  moral  and  material, 
and  drawing  upon  him  for  frequent  public  speeches. 
These  many  occasions  found  him  ready,  apt,  and 
versatile ;  and  nothing  could  better  illustrate  the 
profound  earnestness,  the  lofty  patriotism  and 
the  keen  intelligence  of  the  President,  than  the 
elevated  bearing  and  the  easy  yet  dignified  de 
meanor  which  have  marked  his  commingling  with 
his  fellow-countrymen  at  their  homes  and  amid 
their  familiar  associations. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

EXERCISE  OF  THE   VETO    POWER  THE    BATTLE-FLAG 

INCIDENT FRAUDULENT   PENSION    BILLS. 

ALTHOUGH  the  Constitution  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  requires  the  assent  of  the  Pres 
ident  to  every  bill  before  it  becomes  a  law, 
unless  both  Houses  determine  by  a  two-thirds 
aye-and-no  vote  to  pass  it  over  his  veto,  this 
power  of  disapproval  has  been,  on  the  whole, 
sparingly  used  by  the  Executives  of  the  United 
States.  Until  1830  there  were  but  nine  vetoes- 
two  by  Washington,  none  by  Adams,  none  by 
Jefferson,  six  by  Madison,  and  one  by  Monroe. 
Jackson  exercised  the  veto  nine  times,  besides 
pocketing  several  bills  presented  just  prior  to  the 
final  adjournment. 

So  infrequent  was  the  exercise  of  this  power 
that    Jackson    and   the    prerogative    itself  were 

241 


•2  4  -  L IFE  Ot?  GK °  VEK  CL  E  VEL 

fiercely  attacked,  and  Tyler  had  a  stormy  time 
because  he  had  the  temerity  to  veto  six  bills. 

"Polk  vetoed  three  and  Pierce  nine  bills; 
Buchanan  and  Lincoln  but  few;  Grant  more,  one 
of  his  forty-two  vetoes  being  of  a  bill  to  in 
crease  the  amount  of  greenbacks  to  $400,000,000 
and  authorize  the  issue  of  $46,000,000  in  national 
bank  notes ;  Johnson,  in  his  controversy  with 
Congress,  a  great  many.  And  so  of  President 
Hayes,  when  it  was  attempted  to  repeal  general 
legislation  by  riders  on  appropriation  bills,  though 
his  most  important  veto  was  of  the  silver  bill  of 
1878.  President  Arthur  exercised  the  power  but 
rarely. 

"  It  has  devolved  upon  the  present  incumbent 
of  the  Presidential  office  to  exercise  the  veto 
power  in  more  instances  than  all  the  other  Presi 
dents  put  together;  a  clear  indication  of  the  in- 
crease  in  legislation  and  of  carelessness  in  the 
enactment  of  special  laws,  requiring  greater  care 
in  examination  and  the  application  of  closer  busi 
ness  scrutiny,  as  well,  doubtless,  of  a  different 
view  of  the  functions  of  government  than  that  in 
dulged  in  by  some  of  the  leading  politicians  in  the 
period  just  preceding  Mr.  Cleveland's  inaugura 
tion. 

"  *  *  *  His  view  in  taking  office  seems  to 
have  been  that  free  institutions  are  inconsistent 
with  a  paternal  government;  that  governmental 
administration  is  a  business  matter,  to  be  carried 


EXERCISE  OF  THE  VETO  POWER.  >.<> 

"  rO 

forward  on  business  principles  ;  that  it  is  the  duty 
of  the  Executive  to  examine  all  bills  presented 
to  him  for  his  approval,  and  to  require  a  recon 
sideration  of  those  which  he  thinks  improper  to 
he  passed  into  laws.  There  is  not  a  particle  of 
doubt  that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  framers  of 
the  Constitution,  and  of  those  who  adopted  it,  that 
this  should  be  the  attitude  of  the  Executive  in  re 
lation  to  the  enactment  of  laws;  and  it  is  clear  that 
the  danger  was  that  the  power  would  be  exer 
cised  too  little,  rather  than  too  often  or  too  much. 
It  is  vastly  easier  to  say  yes  than  no  ;  to  yield  to 
importunity  rather  than  resist  it."* 

To  Mr.  Cleveland's  conscientious  care  and 
unflagging  personal  industry  in  the  detailed  ex 
amination  of  legislative  enactments,  as  much  as  to 
the  considerations  advanced  in  the  foregoing 
extracts,  have  been  due  the  unexampled  fre 
quency  and  vigor  with  which  he  has  wielded  the 
veto  power.  That  he  has  not  gone  far  wrong, 
upon  the  whole,  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  two 
Houses  of  Congress  have  almost  invariably 
acquiesced  in  the  wisdom  of  his  decisions  and  the 
cogency  of  his  reasons. 

APPROPRIATIONS    FOR    FEDERAL    BUILDINGS. 

While  individual  members,  intent  upon  making 
capital  for  themselves  at  home,  and  special  locali- 

*  The  President's  Vetoes,  pp.  7,  8. 


24-1-  LIFE  OF  Ok  OVER  CLEVELAND. 

ties,  eager  to  serve  their  own  interests  at  the 
general  expense,  have  bewailed  the  disapproval 
of  their  bills  for  public  building  appropriations, 
the  average  common  sense  of  the  great  body  of 
the  people  has  heartily  approved  the  stand  taken 
by  the  President,  and  has  recognized  the  consist 
ency  of  his  cause  in  measuring  such  bills  by  con 
siderations  like  these,  announced  in  his  various 


messages : 


11  The  necessities  of  the  Government  should 
control  the  question,  and  it  should  be  decided  as 
a  business  proposition,  depending  upon  the  needs 
of  a  Government  building  at  the  points  proposed, 
in  order  to  do  the  Government  work." 

"While  a  fine  Government  building  is  a  desir 
able  ornament  to  any  town  or  city,  and  while  the 
securing  of  an  appropriation  therefor  is  often 
considered  as  an  illustration  of  zeal  and  activity 
in  the  interests  of  a  constituency,  I  am  of  the 
opinion  that  the  expenditure  of  public  money  for 
such  a  purpose  should  depend  upon  the  necessity 
of  such  a  building  for  public  uses." 

"  The  care  and  protection  which  the  Govern 
ment  owes  to  the  people  do  not  embrace  the 
grant  of  public  buildings  to  decorate  thriving  and 
prosperous  cities  and  villages,  nor  should  such 
buildings  be  erected  upon  any  principle  of  fair 
distribution  among  localities.  The  Government 
is  not  an  almoner  of  gifts  among  the  people,  but 
an  instrumentality  by  which  the  people's  affairs 


EXERCISE  OF  THE   k'£TO  POWER.  245 

should    be  conducted    upon    business  principles, 
regulated  by  the  public  needs." 

Upon  another  occasion,  in  disposing  of  a  bill 
for  the  relief  of  a  stricken  community,  he  assumed 
this  statesmanlike  position  : 

"I  do  not  believe  that  the  power  and  duty  of 
the  General  Government  ought  to  be  extended  to 
the*  relief  of  individual  suffering  which  is  in- no 
manner  related  to  the  public  service  or  benefit. 
A  prevalent  tendency  to  disregard  the  limited 
mission  of  this  power  and  duty  should,  I  think, 
be  steadfastly  resisted,  to  the  end  that  the  lesson 
should  be  constantly  enforced  that  though  the  people 
support  the  Government,  the  Government  should  not 
support  the  people.  The  friendliness  and  charity 
of  our  countrymen  can  always  be  relied  upon  to 
relieve  their  fellow-citizens  in  misfortune.  This 
has  been  repeatedly  and  quite  lately  demonstrated. 
Federal  aid  in  such  cases  encourages  the  expectation 
of  paternal  care  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  and 
weakens  the  sturdiness  of  our  national  character, 
while  it  prevents  the  indulgence  among  our  people 
:rf  the  kindly  sentiment  and  conduct  which 
strengthen  the  bond  of  a  common  brother 
hood." 

THE    PENSION    VETOES. 

His  most  numerous  class  of  vetoes  has  included 

a  large    number  of  the   cases  of  private   pension 
bills,  whose  beneficiaries  or  their  agents,  unwilling 


246  LIFE  OF  GRO  VER  CL E  VELAND. 

to  depend  upon  the  ordinary  operation  of  the  ex 
tremely  liberal  existing  pension  laws  and  their 
present  prompt  execution,  resort  to  Congress  for 
special  action  on  their  cases.  In  that  body  they 
are  acted  upon  without  general  investigation  of 
their  merits  and  without  any  of  the  deliberation 
and  care  which  characterize  department  work. 

The  President,  as  all  members  of  Congress  w"ell 
know,  did  not  overstate  the  case  when,  in  his 
message  of  June  2ist,  1886,  he  said:  "  A  large 
proportion  of  these  bills  have  never  been  submit 
ted  to  a  majority  of  either  branch  of  Congress, 
but  are  the  results  of  nominal  sessions,  held  for 
the  express  purpose  of  their  consideration,  and 
attended  by  a  small  minority  of  the  members  of 
the  respective  Houses  of  the  legislative  branch  of 
Government.  Thus,  in  considering  these  bills  I 
have  not  felt  that  I  was  aided  by  the  deliberate 
judgment  of  the  Congress;  and  when  I  have 
deemed  it  my  duty  to  disapprove  many  of  the  bills 
presented,  I  have  hardly  regarded  my  action  as  a 
dissent  from  the  conclusions  of  the  people's  rep 
resentatives." 

An  uncontradicted  description  of  a  recent  scene 
in  the  Senate,  with  the  President's  most  relentless 
and  abusive  antagonist,  Senator  Ingalls,  in  the 
chair,  illustrates  how-  necessary  to  save  the  pub 
lic  treasury  is  the  careful  and  judicious  examina 
tion  by  the  Executive  of  bills  thus  passed: 

"  The    Senate   yesterday    considered     pension 


EXERCISE  OF  THE   VETO  POWER. 

bills  on  the  calendar  and  in  a  short  space  of  time 
passed  about  ninety  of  them.  The  mode  of  pro 
cedure  in  this  rapid  passage  of  the  bills  is  rather 
interesting.  Usually,  when  such  a  measure  is  to 
be  considered,  the  bill  is  reported  by  its  number  and 
the  presiding  officer  says  :  'In  Committee  of  the. 
Whole  and  the  bill  will  he  read  at  length.'  This  is 
done,  and  then  he  says :  '  The  bill  is  open  to 
amendment :  if  there  be  no  amendment  it  will  be 
reported  to  the  Senate.  The  Committee  has  had 

under  consideration  bill  numbered .   The  bill 

is  still  open  to  amendment.  If  there  be  no  amend 
ment  the  question  is  upon  ordering  the  bill  to  be 
engrossed  and  read  a  third  time.  Senators  in  the 
affirmative  will  say  "  aye  ;"  negative,  "  no."  The 
ayes  appear  to  have  it ;  the  bill  will  be  engrossed 
and  read  the  third  time.'  The  bill  is  then  read 
by  its  title,  when  the  presiding  officer  says  :  '  The 
question  is  upon  the  passage  of  the  bilJ,'  and  the 
question  is  then  put. 

"  But  when  the  Senate  is  considering  these  bills 
hastily  upon  the  calendar  a  different  method  is 
adopted.  It  is  understood  that  no  objection  will 
be  made  to  them,  and  it  is  desirable  to  get  them 
out  of  the  way  as  quickly  as  possible.  Yesterday 
Mr.  Ingalls  stood  up  in  front  of  his  desk  marking 
the  place  on  the  calendar.  He  would  call  for  a 
bill  by  its  number  on  the  order  of  business  and 
the  clerk  would  report  its  number  as  a  bill. 
Then  Mr.  Ingalls  says:  *  In  Committee  of  the 


248  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

Whole.'  The  clerk  reads  the  bill  rapidly,  and  as 
he  finishes  Mr.  Ingalls  says :  t  Reported  to  the 
Senate,  engrossed,  read  third  time,  and  passed. 
No.  — ,'  calling  out  the  next  measure.  No  vote 
is  taken  ;  no  one  listened  to  the  bill ;  in  fact,  the 
whole  business  was  transacted  by  the  President 
pro  tempore  and  the  Clerk.  There  were  less  than 
a  dozen  Senators  in  the  chamber,  all  engaged  in 
something  else  than  giving  attention  to  the  busi 
ness  being  transacted,  as,  in  fact,  their  attention 
was  not  required." 

The  frequency  with  which  private  bills  have 
had  to  be  vetoed  therefore  illustrates  the  careless 
ness  of  Congress  and  not  the  existence  of  any 
hostility  on  Mr.  Cleveland's  part  to  this  special 
class  of  legislation.  On  the  contrary,  with  proper 
qualification  against  frauds  and  impostures  upon 
the  Government's  bounty,  Mr.  Cleveland  has 
shown  himself  consistently  in  favor  of  its  most 
liberal  extension  to  deserving  subjects  of  it.  In 
his  annual  message,  December  6th,  1886,  he  pre 
sents  this  succinct^nd  striking  statement : 

"The  report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Pensions 
contains  a  detailed  and  .most  satisfactory  exhibit 
of  the  operations  of  the  Pension  Bureau  during 
the  last  fiscal  year.  The  amount  of  work  done 
was  the  largest  in  any  year  since  the  organiza 
tion  of  the  Bureau ;  and  it  has  been  done  at 
less  cost  than  during  the  previous  year  in  every 
division. 


EXERCISE  OF  THE   VETO  POWER.  240 

"On  the  thirtieth  day  of  June,  1886,  there  were 
365,783  pensioners  on  the  rolls  of  the  Bureau. 

"Since  1861  there  have  been  1,018,732  appli 
cations  for  pensions  filed,  of  which  78,834  were 
based  upon  service  in  the  War  of  1812.  There 
were  621,754  of  these  applications  allowed,  includ 
ing-  60,178  to  the  soldiers  of  1812  and  their 
widows, 

"The  total  amount  paid  for  pensions  since  1861 
is  $808,624,81 1.57. 

"The  number  of  new  pensions  allowed  during 
the  year  ended  June  3oth,  1886,  is  40,857 — alarger 
number  than  has  been  allowed  in  any  year  save 
one  since  1861  ;  the  names  of  2,229  pensioners 
which  had  been  previously  dropped  from  the  rolls, 
were  restored  during  the  year,  and  after  deduct 
ing  those  dropped  within  the  same  time  for  va 
rious  causes,  a  net  increase  remains  for  the  year 
of  20,658  names. 

"From  January  ist,  1 861,  to  December  ist,  1885, 
1,967  private  pension  acts  had  been  passed.  Since 
the  last-mentioned  date,  and  during  the  last  ses 
sion  of  the  Congress,  644  such  acts  became  laws. 

"  It  seems  to  me  that  no  one  can  examine  our 
pension  establishment  and  its  operations  without 
being  convinced  that  through  its  instrumentality 
justice  can  be  very  nearly  done  to  all  who  are  en 
titled  under  present  laws  to  the  pension  bounty 
of  the  Government. 

"  But  it  is  undeniable  that  cases  exist,  well  en- 


250  LIFE  OF  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

titled  to  relief,  in  which  the  Pension  Bureau  is 
powerless  to  aid.  The  really  worthy  cases  of  this 
class  are  such  as  only  lack  by  misfortune  the  kind 
or  quantity  of  proof  which  the  law  and  regu 
lations  of  the  Bureau  require,  or  which,  though 
their  merit  is  apparent,  for  some  other  reason 
cannot  be  justly  dealt  with  through  general  laws. 
These  conditions  fully  justify  application  to  the 
Congress  and  special  enactments.  But  resort  to 
the  Congress  for  a  special  pension  act  to  overrule 
the  deliberate  and  careful  determination  of  the 
Pension  Bureau  on  the  merits  or  to  secure  favor 
able  action  when  it  could  not  be  expected  under 
the  most  liberal  execution  of  general  laws,  it 
must  be  admitted,  opens  the  door  to  the  allow 
ance  of  questionable  claims  and  presents  to  the 
legislative  and  executive  branches  of  the  Gov 
ernment  applications  concededly  not  within  the 
law  and  plainly  devoid  of  merit,  but  so  sur 
rounded  by  sentiment  and  patriotic  feeling  that 
they  are  hard  to  resist.  I  suppose  it  will  not  be 
denied  that  many  claims  for  pensions  are  made 
without  merit  and  that  many  have  been  allowed 
upon  fraudulent  representations.  This  has  been 
declared  from  the  Pension  Bureau,  not  only  in 
this,  but  in  prior  Administrations. 

"The  usefulness  and  the  justice  of  any  system 
for  the  distribution  of  pensions  depend  upon  the 
equality  and  uniformity  of  its  operation. 

"It  will  be  seen  from  the  report  of  the  Commis 


EXERCISE  OF  THE   VETO  POWER. 

sionerthat  there  are  now  paid  by  the  Govern 
ment  one  hundred  and  thirty-one  different  rates 
of  pension. 

"He  estimates  from  the  best  information  he  can 
obtain  that  nine  thousand  of  those  who  have 
served  in  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United  States 
are  now  supported,  in  whole  or  in  part,  from  pub 
lic  funds  or  by  organized  charities,  exclusive  of 
those  in  soldiers'  homes  under  the  direction  and 
control  of  the  Government.  Only  1 3  per  cent,  of 
these  are  pensioners,  while  of  the  entire  number 
of  men  furnished  for  the  late  war  something  like 
20  per  cent.,  including  their  widows  and  relatives, 
have  been  or  are  now  in  receipt  of  pensions. 

"The   American  people,    with  a   patriotic  and 
grateful   regard   for  our   ex-soldiers— too  broad 
and  too  sacred  to  be  monopolized  by  any  special 
advocates — are  not  only  willing  but  anxious  that 
equal  and  exact  justice  should  be  done  to  all  hon 
est  claimants  for   pensions.     In   their  sight    the 
friendless   and   destitute    soldier,    dependent   on 
public  chanty,  if  otherwise  entitled,  has  precisely 
the  same  right  to  share  in  the  provision  made  for 
those  who  fought  their  country's  battles  as  those 
better  able,  through  friends  and  influence,  to  push 
their  claims.     Every  pension  that  is  granted  under 
our  present  plan  upon  any  other  grounds  than 
actual  service,  and  injury  or  disease   incurred  in 
such  service,  and  every  instance  of  the  many  in 
which  pensions  are  increased  on   other  grounds 


252  LIFE  OF  GROVE R  CLEVELAND. 

than  the  merits  of  the  claim,  work  an  injustice  to 
the  brave  and  crippled,  but  poor  and  friendless 
soldier,  who  is  entirely  neglected  or  who  must  be 
content  with  the  smallest  sum  allowed  under  gen 
eral  laws. 

"  There  are  far  too  many  neighborhoods  in  which 
are  found  glaring  cases  of  inequality  of  treatment 
in  the  matter  of  pensions  ;  and  they  are  largely 
due  to  a  yielding  in  the  Pension  Bureau  to  impor 
tunity  on  the  part  of  those,  other  than  the  pen 
sioner,  who  are  especially  interested,  or  they  arise 
from  special  acts  passed  for  the  benefit  of  indi 
viduals. 

"The  men  who  fought  side  by  side  should  stand 
side  by  side  when  they  participate  in  a  grateful 
nation's  kind  remembrance. 

"Every  consideration  of  fairness  and  justice  to 
our  ex-soldiers,  and  the  protection  of  the  patriotic 
instinct  of  our  citizens  from  perversion  and  viola 
tion,  point  to  the  adoption  of  a  pension  system 
broad  and  comprehensive  enough  to  cover  every 
contingency,  and  which  shall  make  unnecessary 
an  objectionable  volume  of  special  legislation. 

"As  long  as  we  adhere  to  the  principle  of  grant 
ing  pensions  for  service,  and  disability  as  the  re 
sult  of  service,  the  allowance  of  pensions  should 
be  restricted  to  cases  presenting  these  features. 

"Every  patriotic  heart  responds  to  a  tender  con 
sideration  for  those  who,  having  served  their 
country  long  and  well,  arc  reduced  to  destitution 


EXERCISE  OF  THE   VETO  POWER.  2  *  * 

and  dependence,  not  as  an  incident  of  their  ser~ 
vice,  but  with  advancing  age  or  through  sickness 
or  misfortune.     We  are  all  tempted  by  the  con 
templation  of  such  a  condition   to  supply   relief, 
and  are  often  impatient  of  the  limitations  of  pub 
lic  duty.     Yielding  to  no  one  in  the   desire  to  in 
dulge    this    feeling    of    consideration,   I    cannot 
rid  myself  of    the   conviction   that  if  these   ex- 
soldiers    are    to    be     relieved,    they    and    their 
cause  are  entitled   to    the  benefit   of  an    enact 
ment,    under   which  relief  may  be    claimed   as  a 
right,    and  that  such  relief    should    be   granted 
under    the    sanction    of  law,  not  in  evasion  of 
it ;  nor  should  such  worthy  objects  of  care,  all 
equally  entitled,  be  remitted  to  the  unequal  opera 
tion  of  sympathy,  or  the  tender  mercies  of  social  and 
political  influence,  with  their  unjust  discriminations. 
"The discharged  soldiers  and  sailorsof  the  coun 
try  are  our  fellow-citizens,  and  interested  with  us 
in  the  passage  and  faithful  execution  of  wholesome 
laws.     They  cannot  be  swerved  from  their  duty 
of  citizenship  by  artful  appeals  to  their  spirit  of 
brotherhood  born  of  common  peril  and  suffering, 
nor  will  they  exact  as  a  test  of  devotion  to  their 
welfare  a  willingness  to  neglect  public  duty  in  their 
behalf." 

VETO    OF   THE    DEPENDENT   PENSION    BILL. 

Early  in  1887  Congress  passed  the  first  general  - 
bill  "  since  the  close  of  the  late  civil  war,  permitting 


254  LIFE  °*   GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

a  pension  to  the  soldiers  and  sailors  who  served  in 
that  war  upon  the  ground  of  service  and  present 
disability  alone,  and  in  the  entire  absence  of  any 
injuries,  received  by  the  casualties  or  incidents  of 
suck  service"  It  was,  as  the  President  expressed 
it,  "  an  avowed  departure  from  the  principle  thus 
far  adhered  to  respecting  Union  soldiers,  that  the 
bounty  of  the  Government  in  the  way  of  pen 
sions  is  generously  bestowed  when  granted  to 
those  who  in  their  military  service,  and  in  the  line 
of  military  duty,  have,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent, 
been  disabled."  In  view  of  this  fact ;  of  the  annual 
expenditure  already  of  over  $75,000,000  a  year 
for  pensions;  of  nearly  400,000  now  borne  on  the 
pension  rolls,  and  a  steady  increase  of  the  number* 
the  further  away  the  war  period  becomes, — the  Pres 
ident  vetoed  the  bill,  and  it  did  not  become  a  law. 
The  force  of  his  reasons  for  disapproval  was  rec 
ognized  by  conservative  men  all  over  the  country  ; 
and  the  most  intelligent  representatives  of  a  sound 
public  judgment  gave  hearty  indorsement  to 

*  In  the  New  York  Nation  of  February  3d,  1887,  will  be  found  the 
annual  cost  of  the  European  military  establishments  with  the  numbers 
which  compose  them,  as  compared  with  our  present  and  the  proposed  pen 
sion  list,  as  follows: 

ANNUAL  COST.          NUMBERS. 

Great  Britain, $102,477,010  209,480 

Austria-Hungary, 51,307,602  286,423 

Germany 91,522,495  449,342 

France, 126,366,086  523,283 

U.  S.  present  pension  list,    ....       75,000,000  365,783 

As  proposed, 147,000,000  8615,783 


EXERCISE  OF  THE  VETO  POWER. 

such    considerations  as    these,    advanced    in    his 
message  : 

"  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  it  may  fairly  be  con 
tended  that  under  the  provisions  of  this  section 
any  soldier,  whose  faculties  of  mind  or  body  have 
become  impaired  by  accident,  disease,  or  age, 
irrespective  of  his  service  in  the  army  as  a  cause, 
and  who  by  his  labor  only  is  left  incapable  of  gain 
ing  the  fair  support  he  might  with  unimpaired 
powers  have  provided  for  himself,  and  who  is  not 
so  well  endowed  with  this  world's  goods  as  to 
live  without  work,  may  claim  to  participate  in  its 
bounty;  that  it  is  not  required  that  he  should  be 
without  property,  but  only  that  labor  should  be 
necessary  to  his  support  in  some  degree ;  nor  is 
it  required  that  he  should  be  now  receiving  sup 
port  from  others. 

"  Believing  this  to  be  the  proper  interpretation 
of  the  bill,  I  cannot  but  remember  that  the  sol 
diers  of  our  civil  war,  in  their  pay  and  bounty, 
received  such  compensation  for  military  service 
as  has  never  been  received  by  soldiers  before, 
since  mankind  first  went  to  war ;  that  never 
before,  on  behalf  of  any  soldiery,  have  so  many 
and  such  generous  laws  been  passed  to  relieve 
against  the  incidents  of  war ;  that  statutes  have 
been  passed  giving  them  a  preference  in  all  pub 
lic  employments ;  that  the  really  needy  and 
homeless  Union  soldiers  of  the  Rebellion  have 
been,  to  a  large  extent,  provided  for  at  soldiers' 


356  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

homes,  instituted  and  supported  by  the  Govern 
ment,  where  they  are  maintained  together,  free 
from  the  sense  of  degradation  which  attaches  to 
the  usual  support  of  chanty ;  and  that  never 
before  in  the  history  of  the  country  has  it  been 
proposed  to  render  Government  aid  toward  the 
support  of  any  of  its  soldiers  based  alone  upon  a 
military  service  so  recent,  and  where  age  and 
circumstances  appeared  so  little  to  demand  such 
aid. 

"  Hitherto  such  relief  has  been  granted  to  sur 
viving  soldiers  few  in  number,  venerable  in  age, 
after  a  long  lapse  of  time  since  their  military  ser 
vice,  and  as  a  parting  benefaction  tendered  by  a 
grateful  people. 

"  I  cannot  believe  that  the  vast  peaceful  army 
of  Union  soldiers,  who,  having  contentedly  re 
sumed  their  places  in  the  ordinary  avocations  of 
life,  cherish  as  sacred  the  memory  of  patriotic 
.service,  or  who,  having  been  disabled  by  the  casu 
alties  of  war,  justly  regard  the  present  pension- 
roll,  on  which  appear  their  names,  as  a  roll  of 
honor,  desire  at  this  time  and  in  the  present  ex 
igency,  to  be  confounded  with  those  who  through 
such  a  bill  as  this  are  willing  to  be  objects  of 
simple  charity  and  to  gain  a  place  upon  the  pen 
sion-roll  through  alleged  dependence. 

"  Recent  personal  observation  and  experience 
constrain  me  to  refer  to  another  result  which  will 
inevitably  follow  the  passage  of  this  bill.  It  is 


EXERCISE  OF  THE   VETO  POWER.  35 7 

sad  but  nevertheless  true,  that  already  in  the 
matter  of  procuring  pensions  there  exists  a  wide 
spread  disregard  of  truth  and  good  faith,  stimu 
lated  by  those  who  as  agents  undertake  to  estab 
lish  claims  for  pensions,  heedlessly  entered  upon 
by  the  expectant  beneficiary,  and  encouraged  or 
at  least  riot  condemned  by  those  unwilling  to 
obstruct  a  neighbor's  plans. 

"  In  the  execution  of  this  proposed  law  under 
any  interpretation,  a  wide  field  of  inquiry  would 
be  opened  for  the  establishment  of  facts  largely 
within  the  knowledge  of  the  claimants  alone  ;  and 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  race  after  the  pen 
sions  offered  by  this  bill  would  not  only  stimulate 
weakness  and  pretended  incapacity  for  labor,  but 
put  a  further  premium  on  dishonesty  and  men 
dacity. 

"  The  effect  of  new  invitations  to  apply  for 
pensions,  or  of  new  advantages  added  to  causes 
for  pensions  already  existing,  is  sometimes  start 
ling. 

"Thus  in  March,  1879,  large  arrearages  of 
pensions  were  allowed  to  be  added  to  all  claims 
filed  prior  to  July  ist,  1880.  For  the  year  from 
July  ist,  1879,  to  July  ist,  1880,  there  were  filed 
110,673  claims,  though  in  the  year  immediately 
previous  there  were  but  36,832  filed,  and  in  the 
year  following  but  18,455. 

"  While  cost  should  not  be  set  against  a  patri 
otic  duty  or  the  recognition  of  a  right,  still,  when 


258  LIFE  OF  GKOVER  CLEVELAND. 

a  measure  proposed  is  based  upon,  generosity  of 
motives  of  charity,  it  is  not  amiss  to  meditate 
somewhat  upon  the  expense  which  it  involves. 
Experience  has  demonstrated,  I  believe,  that  all 
estimates  concerning  the  probable  future  cost  of 
a  pension  list  are  uncertain  and  unreliable,  and 
always  fall  far  below  actual  realization. 

"The  chairman  of  the  House  Committee  on 
Pensions  calculates  that  the  number  of  pensioners 
under  this  bill  would  be  33,105,  and  the  increased 
cost  $4,767,120  ;  this  is  upon  the  theory  that  only 
those  who  are  entirely  unable  to  work  would  be 
its  beneficiaries.  Such  was  the  principle  of  the 
Revolutionary  pension  law  of  1818,  much  more 
clearly  stated,  it  seems  to  me,  than  in  this  bill. 
When  the  law  of  1818  was  upon  its  passage  in 
Congress  the  number  of  pensioners  to  be  bene 
fited  thereby  was  thought  to  be  374  ;  but  the 
number  of  applicants  under  the  act  was  22,297, 
and  the  number  of  pensions  actually  allowed 
20,485,  costing,  it  is  reported,  for  the  first  year, 
$1,847,900,  instead  of  $40,000,  the  estimated  ex> 
pense  for  that  period." 

PRIVATE    PENSION    VETOES. 

Upon  such  grounds  as  these  the  President,  while 
signing  far  more  private  pension  bills*  than  any  of 

*  "  The  Democracy  has  held  sacred  and  has  far  advanced  the  claims uf 
the  pensioner  as  the  common  debt  of  the  common  people,  to  be  sacredly, 
wonestly,  and  munificently  paid.  Never  since  the  tender  hand  of  peace 


EXERCISE  OF  THE   VETO  POWFR. 


259 


his  predecessors,  has  felt  impelled  to  puncture  a 
vast  number  of  frauds  attempted  in  the  name  of 
charity,  and  to  correct  gross  carelessness  and  im 
providence  on  the  part  of  Congress  in  passing 
them.  For  this  he  has  been  subject  to  malignant 
misrepresentation,  and  the  abuse  of  rancorous 
partisans  and  of  some  narrow-minded  people 
who  think  they  are  patriots  simply  because  they 
were  soldiers. 

Few  if  any  of  these  complainants  have  ever  had 
the  fairness  or  taken  the  trouble  to  actually  read 
the  vetoes  or  weigh  their  merits  ;  and  from  such 
no  honest  judgment  can  be  reasonably  expected, 
Even  the  great  body  of  people  will,  no  doubt,  be 
agreeably  surprised  to  find  that  these  much 
maligned  vetoes  rest  on  impregnable  grounds ;  and 
Mr.  Cleveland  could  not  better  afford  to  invite  dis 
cussion  of  any  phase  of  his  Presidential  policy  than 
of  the  reasons  which  have  induced  his  disap 
proval  of  many  of  the  private  pension  jobs.  They 
are  thus  summarized  in  the  pamphlet  from  which 
previous  extracts  have  been  made  :* 

Some  of  these  bills  were  vetoed  because  the 

first  bound  up  the  wounds  of  rugged  war;  never  since  the  awful  fruit  of 
battle  cumbered  the  red  earth;  never  since  men  died  and  women  wept 
and  children  sorrowed,  has  greater  munificence  or  more  eager  willingness 
been  manifest  than  has  been  shown  to  the  pensioners  by  the  triumphant 
Democracy— which,  God  willing,  shall  for  many  years  pour  the  natl 
reviving  streams  by  the  stricken  and  desolate."—  General  John  C.  BUcA, 
Commissioner  of  Pensions. 
*"  The  Vetoes  of  the  President,"  pages  13,  14.  *5>  l6» 


2 GO  LIM  W  DROVER  CLEVELAND. 

claims  named  in  them  had  already  been  allowed, 
and  the  effect  of  permitting  them  to  become  laws 
would  be  to  deprive  the  claimants  of  several 
months'  pay.  Some  were  disapproved  because 
the  claims  were  still  pending-  in  the  Pension  Office  ; 
some,  because  disability  existed  before,  and  some, 
because  it  was  occasioned  after  service.  Most  of 
the  bills  disapproved  were  in  respect  of  claims 
which  had  already  been  minutely,  and,  in  many 
instances,  frequently  examined  and  rejected  in  the 
Pension  Office  ;  but  in  each  instance,  where  time 
was  afforded,  the  President  made  a  careful  exam 
ination  for  himself,  being  compelled  to  let,  how 
ever,  a  large  number  become  laws  for  want  of 
time  to  make  such  examination,  of  itself  a  com 
mentary  on  the  objectionable  manner  in  which 
this  business  is  conducted.  Among  those  vetoed 
we  find  a  claim  on  behalf  of  the  widow  of  a  per 
son  who,  sixteen  years  after  the  close  of  the  war, 
fell  backward  from  a  ladder  and  fractured  his 
skull ;  another,  predicated  upon  the  ground  that 
the  claimant's  husband  was  deaf,  and  being 
drowned  in  crossing  a  river  could  not  hear  the 

o 

ferryman  call  out  that  the  boat  was  sinking,  al 
though,  as  the  President  says,  "  How  he  could 
have  saved  his  life  if  he  had  heard  the  warning,  is 
not  stated;"  another  of  an  old  gentleman  of  sev 
enty-five,  who  claimed  that  he  contracted  chronic 
diarrhoea  in  the  Hhckhawk  War.  The  President 
said:  "  I  am  inclined  to  think  it  would  have  been 


£X£RCISE  OF  THE   VETO  POWER.  261 

a  fortunate  thing  if,  in  this  case,  it  could  have  been 
demonstrated  that  a  man  could  thrive  so  well  with 
a  chronic  diarrhoea  for  fifty-two  years,  as  its  exist 
ence  in  the  case  of  this  good  old  gentleman  would 
prove.  We  should  then,  perhaps,  have  less  of 
it  in  claims  for  ^ensions."  The  examination  in 
that  case  shov/ed  that  the  applicant  did  not  claim 
to  have  had  diarrhcca  for  many  years  just  preced 
ing  the  application. 

In  another  Instance,  the  claim  attributed  "  death 
from  apoplexy  lo  a  wound  in  the  knee  received 
nineteen  years  before  the  apoplectic  attack."  In 
another  case  the  man  was  discharged  from  the 
hospital  with  a  certificate  :  "  We  do  not  believe 
him  sick,  or  that  he  has  been  sick,  but  completely 
worthless.  He  is  obese,  and  a  malingerer  to  such 
an  extent  that  he  is  almost  an  imbecile." 

In  another  instance  the  beneficiary's  husband 
died  in  a  street  fight  from  the  blow  of  a  fist ;  in 
another  the  son  was  killed  in  1862,  and  his  father 
was  not  aware  of  it  until  1864.  The  boy  had  been 
in  charge  of  an  uncle,  and  afterward  of  other 
persons,  ever  since  he  was  nine  years  old.  The 
President  says :  "  After  the  exhibition  of  heart- 
lessness  and  abandonment  on  the  part  of  a  father, 
which  is  a  prominent  feature  in  this  case,  I  should 
be  sorry  to  be  a  party  to  a  scheme  permitting  him 
to  profit  by  the  death  of  his  patriotic  son. 
claimant  relinquished  the  care  of  his  son,  and 
should  be  held  to  have  relinquished  all  claim  to 


262  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

his    assistance,    and    the    benefit    so    indecently 
claimed,  as  the  result  of  his  death.'' 

In  another  case  of  a  fisticuff,  the  Presi 
dent  says :  "  The  Government  ought  not  to  be 
called  upon  to  insure  against  the  quarrel 
some  propensities  of  its  individual  soldiers, 
nor  to  compensate  one  who  is  worsted  in  a  fight, 
or  even  in  an  unprovoked  attack,  when  the  cause 
of  injury  is  in  no  way  connected  with  or  related  to 
any  requirement  or  incident  of  military  service." 
In  another  case  a  widow  applied  for  a  pension  and 
did  not  claim  that  the  death  resulted  from  military 
service.  The  President  says  :  "  This  presents  the 
question  whether  a  gift  in  such  a  case  is  a  proper 
disposition  of  money  appropriated  for  the  pur 
pose  of  paying  pensions.  The  passage  of  this 
law  would,  in  my  opinion,  establish  a  precedent 
so  far-reaching,  and  open  the  door  to  such  a  vast 
multitude  of  claims  not  on  principle  within  our 
present  pension  laws,  that  I  am  constrained  to  dis 
approve  the  bill  under  consideration."  In  another 
instance  the  decedent  was  addicted  to  periodical 
sprees  and  died  in  the  city  lock-up,  where  he  had 
been  taken  by  an  officer  while  on  a  drunken  spree. 
In  another  case  the  death  was  from  yellow  fever 
in  1878.  In  another  the  claimant  was  enrolled  as 
a  substitute  March  25th,  1865,  when  high  boun 
ties  were  paid,  and  remained  in  the  army  one 
month  and  seventeen  days,  during  which  time  he 
Vad  the  measles.  "  Fifteen  years  after  this  bril 


EXERCISE  OF  THE  VETO  POWEK. 

liant  service  and  this  terrific  encounter  with  the 
measles,  and  on  the  c8th  day  of  June,  1880,  the 
claimant  discovered  that  his  attack  of  the  measles 
had  some  relation  to  his  army  enrollment,  and 
that  this  disease  had  settled  in  his  eyes ,  also  af 
fecting  his  spinal  column."  Another  case  was 
this,  as  stated  by  the  President:  This  man  "  was 
mustered  into  the  service  October  26th,  1861  ;  he 
never  did  a  day's  service,  so  far  as  his  name  ap 
pears,  and  the  muster-out  roll  of  his  company  re 
ports  him  as  having  deserted  at  Camp  Cameron, 
Pennsylvania,  November  i4th,  i86r.  He  visited 
his  family  about  the  first  day  of  December,  1861, 
and  was  found  December  3Oth,  1861,  drowned  in 
a  canal  about  six  miles  from  his  home.  Those 
who  prosecute  claims  for  pensions  have  grown 
very  bold  when  cases  of  this  description  are  pre 
sented  for  consideration."  In  another  instance  the 
Committee  reported  favorably,  "  in  view  of  the 
long  and  faithful  service  and  high  character  of  the 
claimant."  The  President  states  the  facts  and 
continues:  ''Thus  it  quite  plainly  appears  that 
this  claimant  spent  most  of  his  term  of  enlistment 
in  desertion  or  in  imprisonment  as  a  punishment 
for  that  offense,  anci  thus  is  exhibited  'the  long 
and  faithful  service  and  the  high  character  of  the 
claimant/  mentioned  as  entitling  him  to  consid 
eration  by  the  Committee  who  reported  favorably 
upon  this  bill.  I  withhold  my  assent  from  this 
bill  because  if  the  facts  before  me,  derived  from 


264  LIFE  OF  GKOTER  CLEVELAND. 

the  army  records  and  the  statements  of  the  claim 
ant,  are  true,  the  allowance  of  this  claim    would, 
in    my   opinion,   be  a  travesty    upon  our   whole 
scheme  of  pensions  and  an  insult  to  every  decent 
veteran  soldier." 

Yet  another  case  was  this:  The  mother  of  the 
decedent,  her  husband,  the  father,  having  aban 
doned  her,  was  allowed  a  pension  as  dependent 
mother  from  1862  to  1884,  when  she  died.  The 
father  applied  in  1877,  alleging  the  death  of  his 
wife,  but  the  claim  was  rejected  by  the  Pension 
Office  because  she  was  living,  and  after  her  death 
a^ain  rejected  because  of  the  abandonment.  The 
President  says :  "  The  allegation  in  1877  of  the 
man  who  now  poses  as  the  aged  and  dependent 
father  of  a  dead  soldier,  that  the  mother  died  in 
1872,  when  at  that  time  her  claim  was  pending 
for  pension  largely  based  upon  his  abandonment; 
the  affidavit  of  the  man  who  testified  that  he- saw 
her  die  in  1872  ;  the  effrontery  of  this  unworthy 
father  renewing  his  claim  after  the  detection  of 

o 

his  fraud  and  the  actual  death  of  the  mother,  and 
the  allegation  of  the  mother  that  she  was  a  widow 
when  in  fact  she  was  an  abandoned  wife,  show 
the  processes  which  enter  into  these  claims  for 
pensions,  and  the  boldness  with  which  plans  are 
sometimes  concocted  to  rob  the  Government  by 
actually  trafficking  in  death,  and  imposing  upon 
the  sacred  sentiments  of  patriotism  and  national 
gratitude." 


EXERCISE  OF  THE   VETO  POWER. 


THE    BATTLE-FLAG    INCIDENT. 


265 


In  the  summer  of  1887  occurred  the  popular 
sensationgrowingoutof  an  alleged  executive  order 
for  the  return  to  the  Confederates  of  the  battle 
flags  which  had  been  captured  from  them  by  the 
Union  forces  during  the  late  Civil  War.  Frothy 
party  orators  worked  themselves  and  some  mis 
guided  people  into  a  state  of  intense  excitement; 
virulent  newspapers  seized  eagerly  an  opportunity 
to  misrepresent  the  President  and  his  party  ;  while 
a  few  Governors,  like  Foraker,  of  Ohio,  pranced 
to  the  front  with  most  vehement  declarations  that 
they  would  resist  all  attempts  to  tear  from  the 
custody  of  the  States  the  flags  captured  by  their 
troops — a  proceeding  which  had,  of  course,  never 
been  contemplated  except  in  their  own  imagina 
tions. 

The  simple  facts  of  the  matter  were  that  for 
years  past,  with  a  growing  feeling  of  friendliness 
between  the  North  and  South,  and  frequent  ex 
change  of  visits  on  the  part  of  military  organiza 
tions  that  had  faced  each  other  with  hostile  front 
on  the  field,  the  return  of  captured  battle  flags 
had  come  into  vogue.  A  number  of  these  trophies 
in  custody  of  the  War  Department  at  Washing 
ton  had  been  allowed  under  Republican  Adminis 
trations  to  be  stowed  away  in  a  room  in  the  sub- 
basement  and  were  decaying  rapidly  when  in 
1882  they  were  transferred  to  the  Ordn:mce 


-66  L/f£  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

Museum.  Adjutant-General  Drum,  noticing  their 
increasing  dilapidation,  suggested  that  they  be  re 
turned  to  the  States  from  which  the  organizations 
carrying  them  had  come.  The  President, without 
much  reflection,  assented  t6  the  idea,  which,  at 
most,  was  by  no  means  so  advanced  a  measure  of 
reconciliation  as  many  that  had  been  urged  by 
Sumner,  Greeley,  Lincoln,  Grant, and  other  leading 
Republicans.  As  soon  as  it  was  recognized  that 
the  matter  was  to  be  made  the  subject  of  malig 
nant  representation  the  .country  over,  the  Presi 
dent  quietly  gave  the  following  direction  revoking 
the  order  of  Adjutant-General  Drum:  "I  have 
considered  it  with  more  care,  and  finding  the  return 
of  the  flags  not  authorized  by  existing  law  nor 
justified  by  any  existing  act,  request  nothing  fur 
ther  be  done  except  to  inventory  and  take  mea 
sures  to  preserve  them." 

Sufficient  pretext,  however,  had  been  afforded 
such  men  as  Fairchild,  of  Wisconsin;  Foraker,  of 
Ohio;  Tuttle,  of  Iowa,  and  others  of  their  stripe  to 
insult  the  President;  and  when,  shortly  after  the 
flag  episode,  it  was  announced  that  he  had  been 
invited  to  visit  St.  Louis  on  the  occasion  of  the 
National  Encampment  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Republic  there,  it  was  proclaimed  by  Tuttle  and 
others  that  if  Mr.  Cleveland  went  he  would  be 
publicly  insulted.  This  declaration  of  an  offensive 
purpose  injured  only  the  authors  of  it,  and  Gen 
eral  Sherman  publicly  rebuked  it  in  a  letter  June 


EXERCISE  O'F  THE   VETO  POWER.  26j 

12th,  in  which  he  declared  that  the  President 
was  the  Commander-in-chief  of  all  the  armies, 
free  to  go  anywhere,  and  the  idea  of  his  being 
insulted  by  any  true  soldier  was  monstrous.  The 
President  himself  in  a  letter  of  characteristic 
dignity  declined  to  visit  St.  Louis  on  this  occasion  ; 
but  the  citizens  of  Missouri,  shamed  by  the  con 
duct  of  the  Tuttles,  Fairchilds,  and  Forakers, 
urged  him  to  make  another  opportunity  for  them 
to  show  their  respect  for  his  high  office  and  him 
self.  This  invitation  resulted  in  the  tour  and  re 
ception  which  have  been  previously  described  in 
these  pages. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

DEMOCRATIC  TARIFF  REFORM  POLICY THE  GREAT 

ISSUE  OF  1888. 

PRESIDENT  CLEVELAND  and  his  Ad 
ministration  had  thus,  during  the  first  two 
years  and  a  half  of  his  term,  inaugurated 
every  minor  reform  that  had  been  promised  in 
the  platform  of  the  Convention  which  had  nomi 
nated  him  or  in  his  own  letters  and  speeches. 
But  there  was  still  a  great  work  to  be  done.  This 
was  the  lightening  of  the  burden  of-  that  taxation 
which  had  been  borne  by  the  country  since  the 
close  of  the  war.  Republican  Administrations 
had  tied  up  the  debt  still  remaining  unpaid  in  long 
time  bonds,  none  of  which  were  payable  before 
the  year  1892,  and  the  most  of  which  run  at  an 
exorbitant  rate  of  interest  until  the  year  1907. 
This  had  been  done  when  there  was  nothing  in 
the  material  condition  of  the  country  to  demand 
the  payment  of  four  or  four  and  a  half  per  cent, 
interest  on  the  debt  about  to  be  refunded. 

For  many  years  even   the  party  in  power  had 
perceived  that  the  time  would  come  when,  while 
tin-  money  must  continue  to  flow  into  the  Treas 
ury  in  undiminished  volume,  it  could  not  be  taken 
268 


DEMOCRATIC  TARIFF  XE FORM  POLICY.         26c) 

out  for  any  of  the  legitimate  objects  of  govern 
ment.  So  that  during-  all  of  the  Presidential  term 
filled  by  Chester  A.  Arthur  his  Secretaries  of  the 
Treasury  had  insisted  that  a  wise  and  discreet 
reduction  of  the  tariff  duties  was  imperative.  In 
1883  a  Tariff  Commission  was  appointed,  but  its 
members  turned  out  to  be  either  interested  manu 
facturers  themselves  or  their  willing  dupes.  The 
result  was  a  report  which,  while  it  recommended 
a  reduction  on  certain  lines  of  manufactured 
goods  and  enlarged  the  free  list  on  some  articles 
of  almost  no  importance,  really  proposed  a  con 
siderable  increase  on  other  articles  necessary  for 
the  life  and  comfort  of  every  element  of  our  pop 
ulation.  Even  this  incongruous  report  was  not 
accepted,  but  Congress  proceeded  to  make  from 
it  a  compromise  scheme,  the  average  reduction  of 
which  was  less  than  four  per  cent,  while  the  ine 
qualities  of  classification  and  of  tax  were  not 
removed.  On  some  classes  of  goods  these  ine 
qualities  even  became  greater,  experience  soon 
proved,  while  the  opportunities  for  fraud  were  in 
creased.  It  was  apparent  after  a  trial  of  less  than 
a  year  that  the  tariff  must  be  revised  on  entirely 
different  lines  if  taxes  were  to  be  reduced,  and 
labor  and  capital  relieved  of  the  heavy  load  they 
had  carried  so  long.  The  party  in  power,  though 
mainly  made  up  of  men  who  were  in  favor  of  the 
theory  called  protection,  i.  *.,  the  laying  of  a  tax 
on  importations  for  the  benefit  of  the  domestic 


27O  ///£•  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

manufacturer  and  the  alleged  interest  of  the  lab 
orer,  with  incidental  reference  to  the  revenue 
needed  for  the  Government,  was  not  wholly  com 
posed  of  persons  professing  allegiance  to  this 
school  of  political  economy. 

This  had  nominally  been  the  dominant  idea  in 
the  Whig  party,  of  whose  effects  the  Republican 
party  became  the  legatee,  but  even  its  leaders 
never  for  a  moment  contemplated  a  tax  on  im 
ports  averaging  nearly  fifty  per  cent,  on  the  entire 
list.  A  good  proportion  of  the  membership  of  the 
party  had,  however,  been  drawn  from  the  young 
and  independent  men,  who  from  the  years  1850 
to  1860,  had  not  been  satisfied  with  the  policy  of 
the  then  existing  political  parties.  The  majority 
of  these  men  .were  not  attached  to  the  idea'of  pro 
tection  which  has  since  become  so  popular  with 
its  beneficiaries  as  to  acquire  a  sort  of  sacredness. 
So  that  in  1857,  when  the  further  reduction  of  the 
revenue  tariff  of  1846  was  under  discussion  in 
Congress,  two-thirds  of  the  Representatives,  and 
nearly  all  the  Senators  from  New  England,  most 
of  whom  were  adherents  of  the  Republican  party, 
voted  in  favor  of  the  bill.  Among  these,  was 
Henry  Wilson  of  Massachusetts,  who  had  raised 
himself  from  the  humblest  surroundings  and  was 
to  live  to  become  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States;  in  a  long  speech  in  which  he  expressed  the 
sentiments  of  his  colleague,  Mr.  Sumner,  as  well  as 
his  own,  he  said : 


DEMOCRATIC  TARIFF  REFORM  POLICY,         27I 


HENRY   WILSON    ON    THE   TARIFF    IN    1857. 

"  The  manufacturers,  Mr.  Chairman,  make  no 
war  upon  the  wool-growers.  They  assume  that 
the  reduction  of  the  duty  on  wool,  or  repeal  of  the 
duty  altogether,  will  infuse  vigor  into  that  droop 
ing  interest,  stimulate  home  production,  and  dim 
inish  the  importation  of  foreign  woolen  manufac 
turers,  and  afford  a  steady  and  increasing  demand 
for  American  wool.  Thefy  believe  this  policy  will 
be  more  beneficial  to  the  wool-growers,  to  the 
agricultural  interests,  than  the  present  policy. 
The  manufacturers  of  woolen  fabrics,  many  of 
them  men  of  .large  experience  and  extensive 
knowledge,  entertain  these  views,  and  they  are 
sustained  in  these  opinions  by  the  experience 
of  the  great  manufacturing  nations  of  the  Old 
World. 

"  Since  the  reductions  of  duties  on  raw  mate 
rials  in  England,  since  wool  was  admitted  free,  her 
woolen  manufactures  have  so  increased,  so  pros 
pered,  that  the  production  of  native  wool  has  in 
creased  more  than  100  per  cent.  The  experience 
of  England,  France,  and  Belgium  demonstrates 
the  wisdom  of  that  policy  which  makes  the  raw 
material  duty  free.  Let  us  profit  by  their  example. 

"If  our  manufactures  are  to  increase,  to  keep 
pace  with  the  population  and  the  growing  wants 
of  our  people;  if  we  are  to  have  the  control  of 
the  markets  of  our  own  country;  if  we  are  to 


272  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

meet  with  and  compete  with  the  manufacturers  of 
England  and  other  nations  of  Western  Europe  in 
the  markets  of  the  world,  we  must  have  our  raw 
materials  admitted  duty  free  or  at  a  mere  nomi 
nal  rate. 

******** 

"We  of  New  England  believe  that  Wool,  es 
pecially  the  cheap  wools,  manila,  hemp,  flax,  raw 
silk,  lead,  tin,  brass,  hides,  linseed,  and  many  other 
articles  used  in  our  manufactories  can  be  admit 
ted  duty  free,  or  for  a  mere  nominal  duty,  without 
injuring  to  any  extent  any  considerable  interest 
of  the  country." 

Further  on  he  said: 

u  In  closing,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  remarks  I  have 
felt  it  my  duty  to  submit  to  the  Senate  and  the 
country,  that  the  Commonwealth  I  represent  on 
this  floor — I  say  in  part,  for  my  colleague,  Mr. 
Sumner,  after  an  enforced  absence  of  more  than 
nine  months,  is  here  to-night  to  give  his  vote  if  he 
can  raise  his  voice  for  the  interest  of  his  State — 
has  a  deep  interest  in  the  modification  of  the  tariff 
of  1846  by  this  Congress.  Her  merchants,  man 
ufacturers,  mechanics,  and  businessmen  in  all  de 
partments  of  a  varied  industry  want  action  now 
before  the  Thirty-fourth  Congress  passes  away. 

"  They  are  for  the  reduction  of  the  revenue  to 
the  actual  wants  of  an  economical  administration 
of  the  Government;  for  the  depletion  of  the 
Treasury,  now  full  with  millions  of  hoarded  gold; 


DEMOCRA  TIC  TARIFF  REFORM  POLICY.         2  7  - 

"  /  O 

for  a  free-list  embracing  articles  of  prime  neces 
sity  we  do  not  produce  ;  for  mere  nominal  duties 
on  articles  which  make  up  a  largeportion  of  our  do 
mestic  industry;  and  for  such  an  adjustment  of  the 
duties  on  the  productions  of  other  nations  that 
come  in  direct  competition  with  the  product  of 
American  capital,  labor,  and  skill  as  shall  im 
pose  the  least  burdens  on  that  capital,  labor,  and 
skill." 

Mr.  Morrill,  of  Vermont,  then  a  member  of  the 
House,  now  the  patriarch  of  the  Senate,  expressed 
the  opinion  that  the  proposed  duty  of  20  per  cent, 
on  cutlery,  edged  tools,  etc.,  was  ample  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  he  has  now  announced  his  oppo 
sition  to  a  bill  which  makes  a  slight  reduction  in 
the  present  duty  of  50  per  cent,  on  the  same  class 
of  goods ! 

JOHN    SHERMAN   IN    1867. 

In  1867  John  Sherman,  of  Ohio,  in  the  course 
of  a  speech  discussing  the  revenue  question,  said: 
"  Every  law  imposing  a  duty  on  imported  goods 
is  necessarily  a  restraint  on  trade.  It  imposes  a 
burden  upon  the  purchase  and  sale  of  imported 
goods  and  tends  to  prevent  their  importation. 
The  expression  'a  free-trade  tariff/  involves  an 
absurdity."  *  *  *  "Every  duty  on  imported  mer 
chandise  gives  to  the  domestic  manufacturer  an 
advantage  equal  to  the  duty,  and  to  that  extent 


274  LIFE  OF  GKOVER  CLtiVELAXD. 

every  tariff  is  a  protective  tariff."  *  *  *  "  If  you 
converse  with  intelligent  men  engaged  in  the 
business  of  manufacturing  they  will  tell  you  that 
they  are  willing  to  compete  with  England,  France, 
Germany,  and  all  the  countries  of  Europe  at  the 
old  rates  of  duty.  If  you  reduce  their  products 
to  a  specie  basis,  and  put  them  upon  the  same 
footing  they  were  on  before  the  war,  the  present 
rates  of  duty  would  be  too  high.  It  would  not  be 
necessary  for  scarce  any  branch  of  industry  to  be 
protected  to  the  'extent  of  your  present  tariff  law. 
They  do  not  ask  protection  against  the  pauper 
labor  of  Europe,  but  they  ask  protection  against 
the  creation  of  your  own  laws." 

In  March,  1872,  in  a  speech  discussing  this  ever 
present  question,  Mr.  Sherman  said:  "I  have 
listened  with  patience,  day  by  day,  to  the  state 
ments  of  gentlemen  who  are  interested  in  our 
domestic  productions.  I  am  a  firm  believer  in 
the  general  idea  of  protecting  their  industries,  but 
I  assure  them,  as  I  assure  their  representatives 
here,  that  if  the  present  high  rates  of  duty,  unex 
ampled  in  our  country,  and  higher  by  nearly  50 
per  cent,  than  they  were  in  1861,  are  maintained 
on  metallic  and  textile  fabrics  after  we  have  re 
pealed  the  very  internal  taxes  which  gave  rise  to 
them,  and  after  we  have  substantially  given  them 
their  raw  materials  free  of  duties,  we  shall  have  a 
feeling  of  dissatisfaction  among  other  interests 


DEMOCRATIC  TARIFF  REFORM  POLICY 

-/  0 

in  the  country  that  will  overthrow  the  whole  system, 
and  do  greater  harm  than  can  possibly  be  done 
by  a  moderate  reduction  of  the  present  rates  of 
duty.  And  I  am  quite  sure  that  intelligent  men 
engaged  in  the  production  of  various  forms  of 
textile  and  metallic  fabrics  feel  as  I  do,  that  it  is 
wiser  and  better  to  do  what  is  just  and  right,  to 
make  a  reduction  on  their  products,  at  least  to  the 
extent  of  the  reduction  in  this  bill  on  the  raw 
materials,  rather  than  to  invite  a  controversy  in 
which  I  believe  they  will  be  in  the  wrong."  *  *  * 
t(  The  public  mind  is  not  yet  prepared  to  apply 
the  key  to  a  genuine  revenue  reform.  A  few 
years  of  further  experience  will  convince  the 
whole  body  of  our  people  that  a  system  of 
national  taxes,  which  rests  the  whole  burden  of 
taxation  on  consumption,  and  not  one  cent  on 
property  or  income,  is  intrinsically  unjust.  While 
the  expenses  of  the  National  Government  are 
largely  caused  by  the  protection  of  property,  it  is 
but  right  to  require  property  to  contribute  to 
their  payment.  It  will  not  do  to  say  that  each 
person  consumes  in  proportion  to  his  means.  This 
is  not  true.  Every  one  must  see  that  the  con 
sumption  of  the  rich  does  not  bear  the  same  re 
lation  to  the  consumption  of  the  poor  as  the  in 
come  of  the  one  does  to  the  wages  of  the  other. 
As  wealth  accumulates  this  injustice  in  the  funda 
mental  basis  of  our  system  will  be  felt  and  forced 
upon  the  attention  of  Congress." 


CLEVELAND 


PRESIDENT  ARTHUR'S  VIEWS. 

President  Arthur,  in  his  annual  message,  trans 
mitted  to  Congress  in  December,  1882,  used  the 
following  language  :  "  1  recommend  an  enlarge 
ment  of  the  free  list  so  as  to  include  the  numerous 
articles  which  yield  inconsiderable  revenue,  a 
simplification  of  the  complex  and  inconsistent 
schedule  of  duties  upon  certain  manufactures, 
particularly  cotton,  iron,  and  steel,  and  a  sub 
stantial  reduction  of  duties  on  those  articles  and 
on  sugar,  molasses,  silk,  wool,  and  woolen  goods." 

Charles  J.  Folger,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
in  his  report  to  President  Arthur,  made  at  the 
same  time,  said:  "The  classes  of  merchandise 
paying  the  largest  amount  of  duties  from  customs 
are  the  following:  Suo-ar  and  molasses,  wool 

o  o 

and  manufactures  from  it,  iron  and  steel  and  the 
manufactures  from  them,  manufactures  of  silk, 
manufactures  of  cotton.  A  substantial  reduction 
upon  each  of  the  class  of  articles  named  is  rec 
ommended.  And  it  is  believed1  that  the  time  has 
arrived  when  a  reduction  of  duties  on  nearly  all  the 
articles  in  the  tariff  is  demanded  and  is  feasible." 

In  his  annual  report  for  1884,  Hugh  McCulloch, 
President  Arthur's  last  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
concluded  a  long  discussion  of  the  revenue  de 
rived  for  customs  duty  with  the  following  recom 
mendations  :  — 

"  First  —  That    the    existing    duties  upon  raw 


DEMOCRATIC  TARIFF  REFORM  POLICY.         2"" 

material  which  are  used  in  manufactures  should 
be  removed.  This  can  be  done  in  the  interest  of 
our  foreign  trade. 

"  Second — That  the  duties  upon  the  articles 
used  or  consumed  by  those  who  are  least  able  to 
bear  the  burden  of  taxation  should  be  reduced. 
This  also  can  be  effected  without  prejudice  to  our 
export  trade." 

The  Republican  tariff  platform  of  1884  <ie 
clared  : 

"  The  Democratic  party  has  failed  completely 
to  relieve  the  people  of  the  burden  of  unneces 
sary  taxation  by  a  wise  reduction  of  the  surplus. 
The  Republican  party  pledges  itself  to  correct  the 
inequalities  of  the  tariff  and  to  reduce  the  sur- 
plus." 

CLEVELAND    ON    THE   TARIFF. 

In  his  first  annual  message  President  Cleveland 

c> 

gave  due  attention  to  this  question  without  con 
ferring  upon  it  that  prominence  it  attained  in  late 
messages  when  the  gravity  of  the  case  demanded 
more  extended  and  more  heroic  treatment. 

He  said  :  "  A  due  regard  for  the  interests  and 
prosperity  of  all  the  people  demands  that  our 
finance  shall  be  established  upon  such  a  sound  and 
sensible  basis  as  shall  secure  the  safety  and  con 
fidence  of  business  interests  and  make  the  wages 
of  labor  sure  and  steady  ;  and  that  our  system  ol 
revenue  shall  be  i-;o  adjusted  as  to  relieve  the 


378  LIFE  OFGROVER  CLEVELAND. 

people  from  unnecessary  taxation,  having  a  due 
regard  to  the  interests  of  capital  invested  and  of 
workingmen  employed  in  American  industries, 
and  preventing  the  accumulation  of  a  surplus  in 
the  Treasury  to  tempt  extravagance  and  waste." 

In  his  second  annual  message,  transmitted  to 
Congress  in  December,  1886,  the  President  en 
larged  upon  the  issue  which  was  then  assuming 
the  first  importance.  His  views  are  fairly  re 
flected  in  the  following  extracts: 

"  Good  government,  and  especially  the  govern 
ment  of  which  every  American  citizen  boasts,  has 
for  its  objects  the  protection  of  every  person 
within  its  care  in  the  greatest  liberty  consistent 
with  the  good  order  of  society,  and  his  perfect 
security  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  earnings,  with  the 
least  possible  diminution  for  public' needs.  When 
more  of  the  people's  substance  .5  exacted  through 
the  form  of  taxation  than  is  necessary  to  meet  the 
just  obligations  of  the  Government  and  the  ex 
pense  of  its  economical  administration,  such  ex 
action  becomes  ruthless  extortion  and  a  violation 
of  the  fundamental  principles  of  a  free  Govern 
ment. 

"  Those  who  toil  for  daily  wages  are  beginning 
to  understand  that  capital,  though  sometimes 
vaunting  its  importance  and  clamoring  for  the 
protection  and  favor  of  the  Government,  is  dull 
and  sluggish,  till,  touched  by  the  magica*!  hand  of 
labor,  it  springs  into  activity,  furnishing  an  occa- 


DEMOCRATIC  TARIFF  REFORM  POLICY,        27O 

sion  for  Federal  taxation  and  gaining  the  value 
which  enables  it  to  bear  its  burden.  And  the  la 
boring  man  is  thoughtfully  inquiring  whether  in 
these  circumstances,  and  considering  the  tribute 
he  constantly  pays  into  the  public  Treasury  as  he 
supplies  his  daily  wants,  he  receives  his  fair  share 
of  advantages. 

"  There  is  also  a  suspicion  abroad,  that  the  sur 
plus  of  our  revenues  indicates  abnormal  and  ex 
ceptional  business  profits,  which,  under  the  system 
which  produces  such  surplus,  increase,  without 
corresponding  benefit  to  the  people  at  large,  the 
vast  accumulations  of  a  few  among  our  citizens 
whose  fortunes,  rivaling  the  wealth  of  the  most 
favored  in  anti-democratic  nations,  are  not  the 
natural  growth  of  a  steady,  plain,  and  industrious 
republic. 

"  It  has  been  the  policy  of  the  Government  to 
collect  the  principal  part  of  its  revenues  by  a  tax 
upon  imports ;  and  no  change  in  this  policy  is  de 
sirable.  But  the  present  condition  of  affairs  con 
strains  our  people  to  demand  that  by  a  revision 
of  our  revenue  laws  the  receipts  of  the  Govern 
ment  shall  be  reduced  to  the  necessary  expense 
of  its  economical  administration  ;  and  this  demand 
should  be  recognized  and  obeyed  by  the  people's: 
representatives  in  the  legislative  branch  of  the 
Government. 

"  In  readjusting  the  burdens  of  Federal  taxati': 
»  sound  public  policy  requires  that  such  of  ou 


2 SO  ul"*E  OF  GLOVER  CLEVELAND. 

citizens   as  have    built  up    large    and  important 
industries  under    present   conditions   should  not 
be  suddenly  and   to  their   injury,  deprived  of  ad 
vantages  to  which  they  have  adapted  their  business; 
but  if  the  public  good  requires  it,  they  should  be 
content    with   such    consideration    as    shall    deal 
fairly  and   cautiously   with   their  interests,   while 
the  just  demand  of   the   people   for  relief  from 
needless  taxation  is  honestly  answered.  A  reason 
able   and  timely  submission   to   such  a  demand 
should    certainly  be  possible   without   disastrous 
shock  to  any  interest ;  and  a  cheerful  concession 
sometimes  averts  abrupt  and  heedless  action,  often 
the  outgrowth  of  impatience  and  delayed  justice. 
"  Due  regard  should  be  also  accorded,  in  any 
proposed     readjustment,    to     the     interests    of 
American  labor  so  far  as  they  are  involved.     We 
congratulate  ourselves  that  there  is  among  us  no 
laboring  class,  fixed  within  unyielding  bounds  and 
doomed    under  all  conditions   to   the  inexorable 
fate  of  daily  toil.     We  recognize  in  labor  a  chief 
factor  in  the  wealth  of  the  Republic,  and  we  treat 
those  who  have  it  in  their  keeping  as  citizens  en 
titled  to  the  most  careful   regard  and  thoughtful 
:ittention.     This  regard  and   attention  should  be 
awarded   them,    not    only    because    labor   is  the 
capital  of  our  workingmen,  justly  entitled  to  its 
share  of  Government   favor,  but  for  the  further 
and  not  less  important  reason,  that  the  laboring 
man,  surrounded  by  his  family  in  his  humble  home 


DLMOCRA  rn  C  TARIFF  REt  ORM  POL1C  Y.         2  8  I 

as  a  consumer  is  vitally  interested  in  all  that 
cheapens  the  cost  of  living  and  enables  him  to 
bring-  within  his  domestic  circle  additional  com- 
forts  and  advantages. 

"  This  relation  of  the  workingman  to  the  reve 
nue  laws  of  the  country,  and  the  manner  in  which 
it  palpably  influences  the  question  of  wages, 
should  not  be  forgotten  in  the  justifiable  promi 
nence  given  to  the  proper  maintenance  of  the 
supply  and  protection  of  well-paid  labor.  And 
these  considerations  suggest  such  an  arrangement 
of  Government  revenues  as  shall  reduce  the  ex 
pense  of  living,  while  it  does  not  curtail  the  op 
portunity  for  work  nor  reduce  the  compensation 
of  American  labor,  and  injuriously  affect  its  con 
dition  and  the  dignified  place  it  holds  in  the  esti 
mation  of  our  people. 

"  But  our  farmers  and  agriculturists — those  who 
from  the  soil  produce  the  things  consumed  by 
all — are  perhaps  more  directly  and  plainly  con 
cerned  than  any  other  of  our  citizens  in  a  just 
and  careful  system  of  Federal  taxation.  Those 
actually  engaged  in  and  more  remotely  connected 
with  this  kind  of  work  number  nearly  one-half  of 
our  population.  None  labor  harder  or  more  con 
tinuously  than  they.  No  enactments  limit  their 
hours  of  toil,  and  no  interposition  of  the  Govern 
ment  enhances  to  any  great  extent  the  value  of 
their  products.  And  yet  for  many  of  the  neces 
saries  and  comforts  of  life,  which  the  most  scnr 


2X2  /-//A   01'   G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

pulous  economy  enables  them  to  bring  into  their 
homes,  and  for  their  implements  of  husbandry, 
they  are  obliged  to  pay  a  price  largely  increased 
by  an  unnatural  profit  which,  by  the  action  of  the 
Government,  is  given  to  the  more  favored  manu 
facturer. 

"  I  recommend  that,  keeping  in  view  all  these 
considerations,  the  increasing  and  unnecessary 
surplus  of  national  income  annually  accumulating 
be  released  to  the  people  by  an  amendment  to 
our  revenue  laws  which  shall  cheapen  the  price  of 
the  necessaries  of  life  and  give  freer  entrance  to 
such  imported  materials  as  by  American  labor 
may  be  manufactured  into  marketable  commodi 
ties.  Nothing  can  be  accomplished,  however,  in 
the  direction  of  this  much-needed  reform  unless 
the  subject  is  approached  in  a  patriotic  spirit  of 
devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  entire  country  and 
with  a  willingness  to  yield  something  for  the  pub 
lic  good." 

SOUNDING    A    BATTLE    CRY. 

But  all  that  had  gone  before  was  the  merest 
child's  play  compared  with  the  courage,  the  mag 
nificent  audacity  of  statesmanship,  which  the  Pres 
ident  displayed  in  his  third  annual  message,  trans 
mitted  to  the  opening  session  of  the  Fiftieth  Con 
gress,  in  December,  1887.  Rising  to  the  occasion 
by  casting  nil  other  issues  aside,  as  unimportant 
in  comparison  with  the  reduction  of  revenues  in 


DEMOCRA  TIC  TARIFF  REFORM  POLIC  Y.         283 

order  to  rid  the  country  of  a  dangerous  surplus, 
he  devoted  all  his  annual  message  to  the  consid 
eration  of  this  one  question.*  This  document 
was  brief  to  a  degree  which  was  comforting 
when  the  long,  prosy  messages  usually  sent  to 
Congress  by  Presidents  are  considered.  For 
once  the  people  of  the  United  States  had  a  mes 
sage  they  could  read  and  did  read.  The  effect 
was  immediate.  Public  attention  was  focused 
upon  this  one  great  question  as  it  had  not  been 
similarly  directed  to  any  issue  since  the  absorbing 
days  of  the  war.  Young  men  not  accustomed  to 
such  direct  and  pointed  appeals  were  surprised, 
but  their  attention  and  their  intelligence  were 
aroused.  Politicians  who  had  been  accustomed 
to  discuss  only  the  war  and  its  cognate  questions 
were  amazed  at  the  awful  audacity  of  a  President 
who  did  not  so  much  as  intimate  anything  about 
the  various  sections  of  the  country.  Some  timid 
members  of  the  President's  own  party  were 
alarmed  at  his  seeming  willingness  to  intrust  all 
his  political  eggs  to  one  basket.  The  protected 
manufacturers  who  had  fattened  on  a  tariff  were 
naturally  alarmed.  But  the  general  feeling  i: 

*  It  has  not  been  thought  necessary  or  desirable  in  such  a  book  as  this 
to  attempt  to  make  extracts  from  the 'President's  annual  message  of  1887. 
Every  word  would  be  essential  to  a  knowledge  of  it  A  complete  appre 
ciation  of  the  leading  issues  of  the  second  campaign  can  only  be  gained 
by  a  thorough  study  of  this  document,  and  of  the  speeches  made  in  the 
House  in  support  of  it. 


2  S  4  /.  //•*.£ 


'^  LAND. 


the  country  was  one  of  relief.  Its  politics  had 
been  drifting  into  a  condition  of  torpidity,  and 
the  country,  as  was  so  well  shown  by  the  Presi 
dent,  was  plunging  into  the  most  serious  of 
>erils.  Great  satisfaction  was  expressed  among 
,ien  of  every  avocation  and  party  at  the  feeling 
that  something  more  than  a  mere  commonplace 
struggle  over  the  offices  was  now  to  begin. 
The  message  at  once  attracted  the  attention  of 
the  leaders  of  the  Republican  party,  now  in  the 
minority  and  opposition.  Mr.  Elaine,  ever  eager 
to  direct  attention  to  himself,  submitted  himself  to 
a  newspaper  interview  in  Paris.  Senator  Sher 
man  took  occasion  to  make  such  reply  from  his 
place  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  as  showed  that 
he  had  forgotten  his  conservative  and  progressive 
words  of  former  days.  The  press  discussed  the 
question  from  every  point  of  view,  and  in  every 
circle,  from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other, 
the  President's  message  became  the  one  subject 
for  conversation  and  discussion. 

The  effect  upon  the  lower  House  of  Congress 
was  no  less  important.  The  Committee  on  Ways 
and  Means  was  selected  with  unusual  care,  and 
it  once  went  to  work  to  prepare  a  careful,  conser 
vative  bill  in  line  with  the  message.  Such  a  bill 
was  reported  in  due  time,  and  the  most  extended 
and  interesting  discussion  of  the  tariff  issue  heard 
in  this  country  since  the  enactment  of  the  Walker 
tariff  was  entered  upon.  The  debate  was  opened 


CHIEF-JUSTICE   FULLER. 


DEMOCRA  TIC  TARIFF  REFORM  POLICY.         2g  - 

with  a  speech  by  Roger  Q.  Mills,  of  Texas,  Chair 
man  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means, 
which  was  one  of  the  clearest  and  most  luminous 
arguments  ever  presented  before  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States.  Other  members  of  the  major 
ity  of  the  Committee,  Messrs.  Scott,  Breckenridge, 
Wilson,  and  Bynum,  together  with  the  Speaker, 
Mr.  Carlisle,  and  Messrs.  Cox,  Russell,  Buckalew, 
and  many  of  the  Democratic  members,  Mr.  Fitch, 
of  New  York,  Mr.  Nelson,  of  Minnesota,  Repub 
licans,  spoke  in  favor  of  the  principle  of  the 
bill. 

On  the  Republican  side,  the  brunt  of  the  debate 
was  borne  by  Messrs.  Kelley,  McKinley,  Reed, 
Burleigh,  Boutelle,  Butterworth,  and  Grosvenor. 
The  only  Democrat  who  arrayed  himself  against 
the  bill  was  Mr.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania,  whose 
speech  was  temperate  in  tone. 

In  the  meantime,  this  general  discussion  of  the 
principles  of  the  message  spread  into  the  State 
Conventions  of  the  Democratic  party,  then  just 
msetinof  to  select  delegates  to  the  National  Con- 

&  o 

vention  called  to  meet  at  St.  Louis  on  the  fifth  of 
June.  Every  such  body  in  every  State  of  the 
Union  indorsed  substantially  the  President's  posi 
tion,  chose  delegates  in  favor  of  his  renomination, 
and  in  the  majority  of  States  commended  the  bill 
of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  to  Demo 
cratic  members  of  Congress.  Even  in  Pennsylva 
nia,  which  has  been  for  nearly  a  century  coddled 


2g5  LIFE  OF  GROTER  CLEVELAXD. 

and  cosseted  on  a  protective  tariff,  until  its  people 
had  come  to  look  upon  themselves  as  the  benefi 
ciaries  of  the  Government,  the  party  broke  away 
from  the  narrow  trammels  which  had  bound  it  and 
kept  it  out  of  harmony  with  the  organization  in 
the  rest  of  the  country,  and  a  strong  platform  was 
adopted,  in  which  the  action  of  the  President  was 
commended.  The  Temporary  Chairman  of  the 
Convention,  W.  U.  Hensel,  and  the  Permanent 
Chairman,  Ex-Senator  William  A.  Wallace,  both 
insisted  upon  the  most  outspoken  utterance  pos 
sible,  and  their  advice  was  followed  to  the  letter. 
The  credit  for  this  condition  of  the  public  mind 
must  be  awarded  to  the  President.  Seeing  clearly 
the  danger,  appreciating  the  necessity  for  some 
bold  utterance  from  one  who  could  speak  as  with 
authority, he  had  the  courage  to  do  what  he  deemed 
his  duty.  The  Mills  bill  failed  to  become  a  law. 
The  Republican  majority  in  the  Senate  proved 
fatal  to  it,  and  President  Cleveland  was  pre 
vented  from  inaugurating  the  reign  of  those 
Democratic  principles  which  he  had  so  ably  and 
vigorously  advocated,  and  so  earnestly  main 
tained  throughout  his  administration. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE   CONVENTION    OF    1 888. 

WHEN  the  National  Democratic  Con 
vention  met' in  Washington,  in  1888, 
as  usual  in  Presidential  years,  on 
February  22<d,  it  began  the  work  of  the  cam 
paign  under  auspices  more  favorable  than  had 
appeared  under  an  administration  of  its  party 
for  56  years.  The  course  of  President  Cleveland 
had  been  such  as  not  only  to  command  party 
favor,  but  the  admiration  and  enthusiastic  support 
of  conservative  men  of  every  party.  No  other 
name  was  mentioned  or  thought  of  for  the  nomi 
nation  as  a  candidate  for  President  in  any  State 
or  section  of  the  Union.  Never  before  in  the 
history  of  national  Conventions,  except  in  1832, 
when  Andrew  Jackson  was  the  unanimous  choice 
of  the  Democratic  party  for  re-nomination,  and  in 
1872,  when  Ulysses  S.  Grant  was  chosen  as  the 
unanimous  nominee  of  the  Republican  party,  had 
there  been  an  instance  wherein  no  other  candi 
date  was  thought  of  or  mentioned ;  and  in  the 
case  of  Grant's  re-nomination  the  assurance  of  it 
drove  many  of  the  ablest  Republican  leaders  and 
newspapers  into  open  revolt,  and  created  dissen 
sions  which  were  never  healed. 

The  only  contest  before  the  Committee  was  in 

287 


2gg  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

reference  to  the  place  for  holding  the  Convention, 
St.  Louis  being  finally  decided  upon,  while  June 
5th  was  selected  as  the  date.  Before  this  time 
arrived  the  Democratic  Conventions  of  every 
State  in  the  Union  had  unanimously  demanded 
the  re-nomination  of  President  Cleveland,  and 
had  indorsed  his  position  on  the  tariff  as  logical, 
safe,  and  Democratic. 

On  the  day  fixed  for  the  opening  of  the  Con 
vention,  St.  Louis  swarmed  with  delegates  and 
alternates,  appointed  by  the  several  States,  while 
thousands  of  friends  to  the  cause  had  made  their 
way  to  the  same  centre  of  interest.  The  weather 
was  pleasant,  and  a  hearty  welcome  was  accorded 
them  by  the  hospitable  inhabitants  of  the  Queen 
City  of  the  Mississippi. 

The  Convention  was  called  to  order  at  12 
o'clock  of  Tuesday,  June  5th,  by  William  H.  Bar- 
num,  of  Connecticut,  Chairman  of  the  National 
Committee.  Stephen  M.  White,  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  California,  then  took  his  seat  as  tem 
porary  Chairman  of  the  Convention,  eloquently 
indicating  the  position  of  the  party  in  his  opening 
address.  After  the  appointment  of  committees 
and  the  election  of  officers  and  secretaries,  the 
Convention  adjourned  until  10  o'clock  on 
Wednesday  morning. 

At  the  opening  of  the  second  day's  session  the 
name  of  Patrick  A.  Collins,  Representative  in 
Congress  from  Massachusetts,  was  reported  as 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  2888.  2g 

President  of  the  Convention,  and  he  was  escorted 
to  his  seat,  from  which  he^  made  an  extended  ad 
dress,  clearly  laying  down  the  principles  of  the 
Democratic  party,  maintaining  that  they  had  re 
mained  without  change  from  the  days  of  Jeffer 
son,  and  eulogizing  the  administration  of  Presi 
dent  Cleveland. 

"  We  need  not  wait  for  time  to  do  justice  to  the 
character  and  services  of  President  Cleveland," 
were  his  closing  words.  "  Honest,  clear-sighted, 
patient,  grounded  in  respect  for  law  and  justice; 
with  a  thorough  grasp  of  principles  and  situa 
tions  ;  with  marvelous  and  conscientious  industry  ; 
the  very  incarnation  of  firmness — he  has  nobly 
fulfilled  the  promise  of  his  party,  nobly  met  the 
expectations  of  his  country,  and  written  his  name 
high  on  the  scroll  where  future  Americans  will 
read  the  names  of  men  who  have  been  supremely 
useful  to  the  Republic. 

"Fellow-Democrats:  This  is  but  the  initial 
meeting  in  a  political  campaign  destined  to  be 
memorable.  It  will  be  a  clashing  of  nearly  even 
forces.  Let  no  man  here  or  elsewhere  belittle  or 
underestimate  the  strength  or  resources  of  the 
opposition.  But  great  as  they  are,  the  old  Dem 
ocratic 'party,  in  conscious  strength  and  perfect 
union*,  faces  the  issue  fearlessly." 

DANIEL    DOUGHERTY     NOMINATES    CLEVELAND. 

When  all  the   necessary  routine  business  had 
been   transacted,   it  was    proposed   that,  as  the 
19 


L IFE  OF  G R 01  VTA'  CL  E  J  7-  L  A  .YD. 

Committee  on  Resolutions  was  not  yet  ready  to 
report,  the  Convention  should  adjourn  until  even 
ing.  This  motion  was  resisted  and  the  rules 
were  suspended  in  order  that  the  roll  of  States 
might  be  called  for  naming  candidates  for  Presi 
dent.  Thereupon  the  State  of  Alabama,  when 
called,  surrendered  its  right  to  name  a  candidate 
to  Daniel  Dougherty,  of  New  York,  who  pre 
sented  the  name  of  Grover  Cleveland  in  a  telling 
speech,  from  which  we  make  the  following  ex 
tracts  : 

"  He  is  the  man  for  the  people.  His  career 
illustrates  the  glory  of  our  institutions.  Eight 
years  ago  unknown,  save  in  his  own  locality,  he 
for  the  last  four  years  has  stood  in  the  gaze  of 
the  world,  discharging  the  most  exalted  duties 
that  can  be  confided  to  a  mortal.  He  has  met  and 
mastered  every  question  as  if  from  youth  trained 
to  statesmanship.  The  promises  of  his  letter  of 
acceptance  and  inaugural  address  have  been  ful 
filled.  His  fidelity  in  the  past  inspires  faith  in 
the  future.  He  is  not  a  hope.  He  is  a  realiza 
tion.  .  .  . 

"  Sectional  strife,  as  never  before,  is  at  an  end, 
and  60  millions  of  freemen  in  the  ties  of  brother 
hood  are  prosperous  and  happy.  These  are  the 
achievements  of  this  administration.  Under  this 
illustrious  leader  we  are  ready  to  meet  our  politi 
cal  opponents  in  high  and  honorable  debate,  and 
stake  our  triumph  on  the  intelligence,  virtue,  and 
patriotism  of  the  people.  Adhering  to  the  Con 


THE  CONVENTION  01-'  ,$SS. 

stitution,  its  every  line  and  letter,  ever  remember 
ing;  that  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States 
by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the 
States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or 
to  the  people,  by  the  authority  of  the  Democracy 
of  New  York,  and  by  the  Democracy  of  the  en 
tire  Union,  I  give  you  a  name  entwined  with  vic 
tory,  I  nominate  Grover  Cleveland,  of  New 
York." 

Immediately  upon  the  name  of  the  President 
being  pronounced  there  ensued  a  scene  which 
baffles  all  attempts  at  description.  The  like  of  it 
is  to  be  seen  only  at  a  National  political  conven 
tion,  but  such  a  fervent  and  prolonged  outburst 
of  enthusiasm  as  took  place  upon  this  occasion 
was  without  a  precedent  in  American  political 
history  A  contemporary  account  of  it  says : 
"  The  delegates  were  standing  on  their  chairs, 
waving  their  hats,  handkerchiefs,  and  canes,  and 
cheering  like  mad.  Some  of  them  opened  their 
umbrellas  and  waved  them.  The  uproar  was 
deafening.  Somebody  pressed  an  electric  button 
upon  the  platform  and  the  band  at  the  far  end  of 
the  Convention  struck  up.  Just  what  the  air  was 
nobody  could  distinguish  from  the  reporters'  gal 
lery.  The  spectators  in  the  galleries  were  more 
wildly  enthusiastic  than  the  occupan[s  of  the  floor. 
The  bronzed  eagles  were  torn  from  their  fasten 
ings  and  hoisted  to  view  by  eager  hands.  The 
delegates  upon  the  floor  below  were  bombarded 


I.Il'E  ()/'   CROVER  CLEVELAND. 

with  wads  of  morning  newspapers.  One  of  the 
Vice-Presidents  crowned  the  bust  of  President 
Cleveland  with  a  wreath  of  laurel.  By  means  of 
an  ingenious  contrivance  a  life-size  figure  repre 
senting  the  President  appeared  upon  the  screen 
that  covered  the  end  of  the  hall  and  disappeared 
within  the  doors  of  the  Capitol  thereon  depicted. 
The  standards  were  snatched  from  their  sockets, 
and  the  banners  of  the  States  and  Territories  were 
massed  above  the  New  York  delegation.  It  was 
a  demonstration  that  lasted  twenty-five  minutes, 
and  then,  as  the  din  died  away,  the  strains  of  The 
Star-Spangled  Banner  and  Yankee  Doodle  filled 
the  air." 

After  the  enthusiasm  had  subsided,  and  favoring 
addresses  had  been  made  by  several  members  of 
the  Convention,  the  question  of  nominating  Cleve 
land  by  acclamation  was  put  to  the  Convention, 
and  without  a  dissenting  voice  he  was  declared  to 
be  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party  for 
President  of  the  United  States.  Exactly  one  hour 
and  a  quarter  had  been  consumed  in  reaching  this 
unanimous  result,  when  the  Convention  adjourned 
until  the  following  morning. 

The    meeting  on   Thursday   opened   with    the 
presentation  of  the  platform,  which  was  offered  as 

the  unanimous  agreement  of  the  Committee.     It 
•     £» 

strongly  arraigned  the  policy  of  the  Republican 
party,  declaring  that : 

"The  Republican  party,  controlling  the  Senate 


THE  COXrEXTlOX  OF  ,888.  o    , 

and  resisting  in  both  Houses  of  Congress  a 
reformation  of  unjust  and  unequal  tax  laws, 
which  have  outlasted  the  necessities  of  war  and 
are  now  undermining  the  abundance  of  a  long 
peace,  deny  to  the  people  equality  before  the  law 
and  the  fairness  and  the  justice  which  are  their 
right.  Then  the  cry  of  American  labor  for  a 
better  share  in  the  rewards  of  industry  is  stifled 
with  false  pretenses,  enterprise  is  fettered  and 
bound  down  to  home  markets,  capital  is  discour 
aged  with  doubt,  and  unequal,  unjust  laws  can 
neither  be  properly  amended  nor  repealed.  The 
Democratic  party  will  continue  with  all  the  power 
confided  to  it  the  struggle  to  reform  these  laws  in 

oo 

accordance  with  the  pledges  of  its  last  platform, 
indorsed  at  the  ballot-box  by  the  suffrages  of  the 
people. 

"  The  Democratic  policy  is  to  enforce  frugality 
in  public  expense  and  abolish  unnecessary  taxa 
tion.  Our  established  domestic  industries  and 
enterprises  should  not  and  need  not  be  endan 
gered  by  the  reduction  and  correction  of  the 
burdens  of  taxation.  On  the  contrary,  a  fair  and 
careful  revision  of  our  tax  laws,  with  due  allow 
ance  for  the  difference  between  the  wages  of 
American  and  foreign  labor,  must  promote  and 
encourage  every  branch  of  such  industries  and 
enterprises,  by  giving  them  assurance  of  an  ex 
tended  market  and  steady  and  continuous  opera 
tions.  In  the  interests  of  American  labor,  which 
should  in  no  event  be  neglected,  the  revision  of 


LIl-L  OF  UKOl'EK  CLEVELAND 

our  tax  laws  contemplated  by  the  Democratic 
party  should  promote  the  advantage  of  such  labor, 
by  cheapening  the  cost  of  necessaries  of  life  in 
the  home  of  every  workingman,  and  at  the  same 
time  securing  to  him  steady  and  remunerative 
employment. 

"  Upon  this  question  of  tariff  reform,  so  closely 
concerning  every  phase  of  our  national  life,  and 
upon  every  question  involved  in  the  problem  of 
good  government,  the  Democratic  party  submits 
its  principles  and  professions  to  the  intelligent 
suffrages  of  the  American  people." 

The  platform  reported  by  the  Committee  was 
agreed  to  by  a  unanimous  vote,  after  which  the 
Convention  proceeded  to  the  roll-call  of  States 
for  nominations  for  Vice -President.  When  Cali 
fornia  was  reached,  M.  F.  Tarpey  presented  the 
name  of  Allen  G.  Thurman,  of  Ohio,  in  a  lengthy 
speech,  which  aroused  great  enthusiasm.  Isaac 
P.  Gray,  of  Indiana,  and  Gen.  John  C.  Black,  of 
Illinois,  were  also  nominated,  Gen.  Black's  name 
being  withdrawn  at  his  request.  On  the  vote 
being  taken,  Mr.  Thurman  received  687  votes  ; 
Mr.  Gray,  104,  and  Gen.  Black,  31.  The  nomi 
nation  of  Mr.  Thurman  was  then  made  unani 
mous,  amid  long-continued  applause,  and  the 
Convention  adjourned  sine  die,  after  adopting  a 
resolution  of  regret  for  the  recent  deaths  of  those 
former  Democratic  armor-bearers,  Gen.  W.  S. 
Hancock,  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  Gen.  George  B. 
McClellan,  and  Horatio  Seymour. 


;  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE    T888    ELECTION    CAMPAIGN. 

PRESIDENT  CLEVELAND  was  formally 
notified  of  his  nomination  on  the  26th  of 
June,  1888,  the  Committee  upon  Notifi 
cation,  headed  by  Chairman  Collins,  calling-  upon 
him  in  the  Executive  Mansion,  where  they  were 
received  by  the  President,  his  family,  and  the 
members  of  the  Cabinet..  The  formal  letter  of 
notification  was  read  by  Mr.  Charles  D.  Jacob,  of 
Kentucky,  whereupon  the  President  replied  in  an 
earnest  address,  of  which  we  give  the  concluding 
and  most  significant  portions : 

"  Four  years  ago  I  knew  that  our  Chief  Execu 
tive  office,  if  not  carefully  guarded,  might  drift 
little  by  little  away  from  the  people  to  whom  it 
belonged  and  become  a  perversion  of  all  it  ought 
to  be  ;  but  I  did  not  know  how  much  its  moorings 
had  already  been  loosened.  I  knew  four  years  ' 
ago  how  well  devised  were  the  principles  of  true 
Democracy  for  the  successful  operation  of  a  gov 
ernment  by  the  people  and  for  the  people;  but  I 
did  not  know  how  absolutely  necessary  their  ap 
plication  then  was  for  the  restoration  to  the  peo 
ple  of  their  safety  and  prosperity.  I  knew  then 
that  abuses  and  extravagances  had  crept  into  the 
management  of  public  affairs,  but  I  did  not  know 

295 


20  5  /-//'/';  0/''  b'A'Ol'fiA'  CLEl'ELAXD. 

their  numerous  forms  nor  the  tenacity  of  their 
grasp.  I  knew  then  something  of  the  bitterness 
of  partisan  obstruction,  but  I  did  not  know  how 
bitter,  how  reckless,  and  how  shameless  it  could 
be.  I  knew,  too,  that  the  American  people  were 
patriotic  and  just,  but  I  did  not  know  how  grandly 
they  loved  their  country  nor  how  noble  and  gen 
erous  they  were. 

"I  shall  not  dwell  upon  the  acts  and  the  policy 
of  the  administration  now  drawing  to  its  close. 

o 

Its  record  is  open  to  every  citizen  in  the  land. 

"  And  yet  I  will  not  be  denied  the  privilege  of 
asserting  at  this  time  that  in  the  exercise  of  the 
functions  of  the  high  trust  confided  to  me,  I  have 
yielded  obedience  only  to  the  Constitution  and 
the  solemn  obligation  of  my  oath  of  office.  I  have 
done  those  things  which,  in  the  light  of  the  under 
standing  God  has  given  me,  seemed  most  condu 
cive  to  the  welfare  of  my  countrymen  and  the 
promotion  of  good  government. 

"  I  would  not  if  I  could,  for  myself  nor  for  you, 
avoid  a  single  consequence  of  a  fair  interpretation 
of  my  course. 

"It  but  remains  for  me  to  say  to  you,  and 
through  you  to  the  Democracy  of  the  nation,  that 
I  accept  the  nomination  with  which  they  have 
honored  me,  and  that  I  will  in  due  time  signify 
such  acceptance  in  the  usual  formal  manner." 

The  formal  letter  of  acceptance  promised  at  the 
conclusion  of  his  address  was  published  on  Sep- 


THE  1888  ELECTION  CAMPAIGN.  2    7 

tember  loth.  It  reiterated  the  strong  views  ex 
pressed  in  his  message  to  Congress  in  the  pre 
ceding  December,  in  favor  of  tariff  reduction,  and 
in  relation  to  the  dangers  likely  to  arise  from  a 
surplus  in  the  Treasury. 

The  issue  of  tariff  reform,  thus  forcibly  pre 
sented,  became  that  of  the  campaign,  which,  to  a 
remarkable  degree,  was  free  from  personalities 
and  lying  statements,  and  devoted  to  the  real  ' 
questions  in  controversy  between  the  parties.  The 
Republicans  took  up  this  tariff  question  as  the 
basis  of  their  arguments,  a  position  m  which  they 
were  squarely  met  by  the  Democrats ;  and  alike 
on  the  rostrum  and  in  the  paper  this  became  the 
absorbing  topic  of  the  canvass.  Civil  service  re 
form,  Southern  representation,  and  the  personal 
records  of  the  candidates  all  sunk  into  insignifi 
cance  before  this  great  question,  and  the  issue  of 
free  trade  or  protection  was  presented  to  the 
voting  population  of  America  as  never  before. 
For  almost  the  first  time  in  a  Presidential  canvass 
principles  outweighed  personalities, and  the  people 
found  themselves  face  to  face  with  the  great  ques 
tions  of  the  day,  instead  of  being  regaled  with 
new  editions  of  the  old  campaign  lies  which  had 
been  so  plentifully  served  up  on  former  similar 
occasions. 

THE    MURCHISON    LETTER. 

In  the  midst  of  the  canvass  an  event  took  place 
of  absorbing  interest  and  importance,  which  at- 


OF  G  ROVER  CLEVELAND. 


tracted  the  attention  not  only  of  our  own  country, 
but  of  Great  Britain,  and  in  which  President 
Cleveland  handled  an  attempt  to  put  himself  and 
his  party  in  a  false  position  with  a  straightforward 
vigor  which  won  him  the  approbation  of  both 
parties  alike.  The  circumstance  was  one  of  inter 
national  courtesy  and  obligation,  not  of  party 
politics,  and  our  citizens,  without  regard  to  party 
affiliation,  sustained  the  President  in  his  decided 
course. 

The    circumstance    was    the    following:     On 

o 

October  24th  a  letter  was  published,  purporting 
to  be  written  by  one  Charles  F.  Murchison,  of  a 
locality  in  Southern  California,  and  addressed  to 
the  British  Minister  at  Washington,  asking  his 
advice  in  regard  to  the  political  situation.  The 
writer  stated  that  he  was  a  naturalized  citizen  of 
the  United  States,  of  English  birth,  and  that,  despite 
his  political  affiliation  with  this  country,  he  still 
looked  upon  England  as  his  mother  land.  The 
information  he  sought  was  as  to  how  he  should 
vote,  or  which  party  policy  he  had  best  sustain,  in 
consideration  of  the  interests  of  his  home  country. 
He  declared  that  he  sought  this  information,  not 
for  himself  alone,  but  that  he  might  help  many 
others  who  were  situated  like  himself,  and  show 
them  how  best  to  act  politically  as  British  citizens 
of  the  United  States.  He  went  on  with  gross 
reflections  in  regard  to  the  conduct  of  the  United 
States  concerning  questions  in  controversy  be- 


THE  1888  ELECTION  CAMPAIGN. 

tween  that  country  and  Great  Britain,  and  directly 
and  indirectly  imputed  insincerity  to  the  United 
States  in  its  actions  in  settlement  of  these  ques 
tions. 

Into  the  trap  set  by  this  letter  (if  trap  it  was, 
as  many  suspected),  Minister  West  fell,  and 
answered  at  some  length,  stating  that  "  any  polit 
ical  party  which  openly  favors  the  mother  country 
at  the  present  moment  would  lose  popularity,  and 
the  party  in  power  is  fully  aware  of  that  fact."  In 
respect  to  the  "  questions  with  Canada  which  have 
been  unfortunately  re-opened  since  the  rejection 
of  the  (fisheries)  treaty  by  the  Republican  majority 
in  the  Senate,  and  by  the  President,  to  which  you 
allude,  .  .  .  allowances  must  be  made  for  the 
political  situation  as  regards  the  Presidential 
election." 

•This  correspondence  was  published  in  full.  It 
probably  had  been  intended  for  publication  as  a 
campaign  document,  and  it  had  its  effect  upon 
both  parties.  Although  Minister  West  had 
spoken  with  some  reserve,  and  had  sought  to 
avoid  openly  expressing  preferences  for  either 
party,  yet  he  evidently  had,  while  representing  a 
foreign  country,  taken  it  upon  himself  to  give  ad 
vice  on  political  questions  to  American  citizens, 
and  the  feeling  of  indignation  which  his  letter 
aroused,  was  widespread. 

This  indignation  was  shared  by  President 
Cleveland.  He  regarded  Minister  West's  reply 


LIFE  OF  GROVE R  CLEVELAXD. 

as  an  unwarrantable  interference  in  the  politics  of 
this  country,  by  giving  political  advice  to  Ameri 
can  citizens,  and  he  immediately  notified  the  Brit 
ish  Government  of  the  action  of  its  Minister.  The 
government  of  Great  Britain  showed  an  inclina 
tion  to  pursue  its  usual  policy  of  procrastination. 
No  notice  was  taken  of  President  Cleveland's 
protest.  After  waiting  a  reasonable  time  for 
action,  he  took  a  second  step  which  somewhat 
astonished  and  baffled  Great  Britain.  On  Oc 
tober  3Oth,  six  days  after  the  publication  of  the 
letter,  he  notified  Minister  West  that  his  presence 
in  Washington  as  the  representative  of  Great 
Britain  to  this  country  was  no  longer  agreeable 
to  this  government,  and  directed  that  his  pass 
ports  should  be  delivered  to  him. 

This  decisive  action  cut  the  gordian  knot  of  the 
difficulty.  The  British  lion  now  found  a  tongue, 
and  denounced  this  action  as  marked  by  undue 
haste  and  a  lack  of  international  courtesy.  The 
President,  however,  was  resolute.  He  had  given 
sufficient  time  for  an  answer  in  some  form  to  his 
first  communication,  and  as  none  came,  he  took 
the  course  demanded  by  the  dignity  of  this  coun 
try,  and  sent  the  British  Minister  home  to  take 
lessons  for  himself  in  international  courtesy.  The 
government  across  the  waters  could  say  nothing. 
President  Cleveland's  action  was  abundantly  jus 
tified.  But  Great  Britain's  rulers  kept  up  a  show 
of  irritation,  and,  as  punishment  to  this  upstart 


SENATOR    WADE    HAMPTON. 


THE  iSSS   ELECTION  CAMPAIGN. 

nation,  refused  to  send  a  Minister  to  the  United 
States  during  the  remainder  of  the  Cleveland  ad 
ministration — a  deprivation  which  this  country 
bore  with  philosophical  fortitude  and  equanimity. 
The  President's  action  in  this  matter,  as  we  have 
said,  was  sustained  by  all  classes  and  parties  in 
this  country.  Whether  the  underlying  purpose 
of  the  Murchison  letter  was  to  injure  the  Repub 
lican  or  the  Democratic  party,  whether  it  was 
intended  as  a  trap  for  the  British  Minister  or  was 
an  honest  seeking  for  information,  all  felt  that  an 

o 

effort  of  a  foreign  Minister  to  give  advice  on  a 
subject  solely  belonging  to  American  interests, 
and  calculated  to  affect  the  make-up  of  the  Amer 
ican  Government,  was  a  gross  breach  of  privilege, 
and  had  been  dealt  with  in  the  only  manner  in 
which  such  an  interference  could  be  handled.  As 
a  campaign  document  the  letter  fell  flat.  Ameri 
can  citizens  did  not  ask  to  be  instructed  from 
England  how  to  manage  their  government,  or 
deposit  their  votes,  and  people  and  press  alike 
sustained  President  Cleveland  in  his  decisive 
action. 

THE    ELECTION    CONTEST. 

In  the  election  campaign  Cleveland  took  noactive 
part.  He  was  content  that  his  record  should 
speak  for  him.  The  people  of  the  United  States 
did  not  need  to  be  told  how  he  stood  on  the  lead 
ing  questions  of  the  day,  or  what  would  be  his 
policy  if  elected.  They  had  had  four  years' 


IJFE  OF 

demonstration  of  that.  He  could  safely  rest  upon 
his  record  as  President,  and  let  that  speak  for 
him.  As  the  date  of  election  drew  near,  it  became 
evident  that  the  contest  would  be  a  close  one. 
The  attention  of  both  parties  was  directed  to  the 
doubtful  States  of  New  York,  Connecticut,  New 
Jersey,  and  Indiana,  whither  the  speakers  were 
sent,  and  strenuous  efforts  made  to  win  votes. 
When  the  result  was  announced,  it  appeared  that 
two  of  the  States  in  question,  New  Jersey  and 
Connecticut  had  gone  for  Cleveland  ;  but  Indiana, 
Harrison's  own  State,  and  New  York,  with  its 
large  electoral  vote,  had  gone  Republican.  The 
result  was  that  Harrison  had  received  233  electoral 
votes,  and  Cleveland  168,  and  that  the  office  had 
once  more  fallen  to  a  Republican  President.  Yet 
had  the  voice  of  the  people  decided  the  contest, 
Grover  Cleveland  would  have  filled  the  Presiden 
tial  chair  for  the  four  succeeding  years.  The  total 
popular  vote  was  5,538,233  for  Cleveland,  and 
5,440,216  for  Harrison,  Cleveland  thus  having  a 
majority  of  98,01  7.  This  is  not  the  first  time  that 
such  a  result  has  happened,  and  a  Republican 
President  been  seated  when  his  Democratic  oppo 
nent  was  the  actual  choice  of  the  people.  It  is  a 
state  of  affairs  that  cannot  well  be  obviated  while 
the  existing  system  of  voting  for  electors  continues, 
and  one  which  strongly  demands  a  change  in  our 
election  laws,  which  will  do  away  with  this  anti 
quated  and  roundabout  system,  one  which  in 


THE  1888  ELECTION  CAMPAIGN.  ^~^ 

3°J 

truth  never  had  any  rational  warrant  for  its  ex 
istence. 

The  result  of  the  election  was  duly  announced, 
as  by  law  provided,  and  Congress  assembled  lor 
that  purpose,  received  the  record  of  the  electoral 
vote,  and  notified  the  country  that  Benjamin  Harri 
son  had  been  duly  elected  President  of  the  Uni 
ted  States,  in  accordance  with  the  requirements 
of  the  Constitution,  for  the  ensuing  four  years.  A 
minority  of  the  people  had  ousted  Cleveland  from 
the  seat  which  he  had  filled  with  such  credit  to 
himself  and  his  party,  and  restored  the  Republican 
rule. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE    END    OF    THE    CENTURY. 

THE  close  of  the  Cleveland  administration 
had  a  significance  which  calls  for  some 
consideration.  It  marked  the  close  of 
the  first  century  of  the  constitutional  existence 
of  the  United  States.  This  century  began  with 
George  Washington  in  the  Presidential  office  ;  it 
ended  with  Grover  Cleveland.  The  two  men, 
while  strikingly  unlike  in  history  and  character, 
had  this  resemblance,  that  they  were  both  un 
doubtedly  honest  in  their  administration  of  the 
public  affairs,  and  both  inspired  by  the  highest 
sentiments  of  patriotism  and  of  duty  in  the  high 
office  which  had  been  entrusted  to  them.  The 
century  begun  and  ended  with  a  worthy  occupant 
of  the  Executive  position. 

The  fact  above  alluded  to,  of  the  approaching 
end  of  the  century,  was  taken  advantage  of  by 
President  Cleveland  in  his  last  annual  message  to 
Congress.  He  recalled  the  interesting  fact  to  the 
attention  of  the  members,  and  took  the  opportu 
nity  to  address  to  them  and  to  the  country  at 
large  words  of  warning  and  advice  which  are 
well  worth  repeating.  We  therefore  copy  at 
304 


THE  END  OF  THE  CENTURY. 

some  length  from  the  lessons  of  political  wisdom 
and  earnest  appeal  to  American  citizens  and  law 
makers  which  are  embodied  in  the  opening 
portions  of  this  admirable  document.  It  is  dated 
December  3d,  1888,  and  begins  as  follows: 
"To  THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  : 

"As  you  assemble  for  the  discharge  of  the 
duties  you  have  assumed  as  the  representatives 
of  a  free  and  generous  people,  your  meeting  is 
marked  by  an  interesting  and  impressive  incident. 
.  With  the  expiration  of  the  present  session  of  the 
Congress,  the  first  century  of  our  constitutional 
existence  as  a  nation  will  be  completed. 

"  Our  survival  for  one  hundred  years  is  not 
sufficient  to  assure  us  that  we  no  longer  have 
dangers  to  fear  in  the  maintenance,  with  all  its 
promised  blessings,  of  a  government  founded 
upon  the  freedom  of  the  people.  The  time  rather 
admonishes  us  soberly  to  inquire  whether  in  the 
past  we  have  always  closely  kept  in  the  path  of 
safety,  and  whether  we  have  before  us  a  way 
plain  and  clear,  which  leads  to  happiness  and 
perpetuity. 

"When  the  experiment  of  our  Government 
was  undertaken,  the  chart  adopted  for  our  guid 
ance  was  the  Constitution.  Departure  from  the 
lines  there  laid  down  is  failure.  It  is  only  by  a 
strict  adherence  to  the  direction  they  indicate, 
and  by  restraint  within  the  limitations  they  fix, 
that  we  can  furnish  proof  to  the  world  of  the 


LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

fitness  of  the  American  people  for  self-govern 
ment. 

"  The  equal  and  exact  justice  of  which  we  boast 
as  the  underlying1  principle  of  our  institutions 
should  not  be  confined  to  the  relations  of  our 
citizens  to  each  other.  The  Government  itself  is 
under  bond  to  the  American  people  that  in  the 
exercise  of  its  functions  and  powers  it  will  deal 
with  the  body  of  our  citizens  in  a  manner  scrupu 
lously  honest  and  fair  and  absolutely  just.  It  is 
agreed  that  American  citizenship  shall  be  the  only 
credential  necessary  to  justify  the  claim  of  equality 
before  the  law,  and  that  no  condition  in  life  shall 
give  rise  to  discrimination  in  the  treatment  of  the 
people  by  their  Government. 

"The  citizen  of  our  Republic  in  its  early  days 
rigidly  insisted  upon  full  compliance  with  the 
letter  of  this  bond,  and  saw  stretching  out  before 
him  a  clear  field  for  individual  endeavor.  His 
tribute  to  the  support  of  his  Government  was 
measured  by  the  cost  of  its  economical  main 
tenance,  and  he  was  secure  in  the  enjoyment  of 
the  remaining  recompense  of  his  steady  and  con 
tented  toil.  In  those  days,  the  frugality  of  the 
people  was  stamped  upon  their  Government,  and 
was  enforced  by  the  free,  thoughtful,  and  intelli 
gent  suffrage  of  the  citizen.  Combinations, 
monopolies,  and  aggregations  of  capital  were 
either  avoided  or  sternly  regulated  and  restrained. 
The  pomp  and  glitter  of  Governments  less  free 


THE  E.VD  OF  THE  CENTURY. 

offered  no  temptation,  and  presented  no  delusion 
to  the  plain  people,  who,  side  by  side,  in  friendly 
competition,  wrought  for  the  ennoblement  and 
dignity  of  man,  for  the  solution  of  the  problem  of 
free  government,  and  for  the  achievement  of  the 
grand  destiny  awaiting  the  land  which  God  had 
given  them. 

"  A  century  has  passed.  Our  cities  are  the 
abiding  places  of  wealth  and  luxury;  our  manu 
factures  yield  fortunes  never  dreamed  of  by  the 
fathers  of  the  Republic  ;  our  business  men  are 
madly  striving  in  the  race  for  riches,  and  immense 
aggregations  of  capital  outrun. the  imagination  in 
the  magnitude  of  their  operations. 

We  view  with  pride  and  satisfaction  the  picture 
of  our  country's  growth  and  prosperity,  while  only 
a  closer  scrutiny  develops  a  sombre  shading. 
Upon  more  careful  inspection,  we  find  the  wealth 
and  luxury  of  our  cities  mingled  with  poverty  and 
wretchedness  and  unremunerative  toil,  A  crowded 
and  constantly  increasing  urban  population  sug 
gests  the  impoverishment  of  rural  sections  and 
discontent  with  agricultural  pursuits.  The  farmer's 
son,  not  satisfied  with  his  father's  simple  and 
laborious  life,  joins  the  eager  chase  for  easily- 
acquired  wealth. 

"  We  discover  that  the  fortunes  realized  by  our 
manufacturers  are  no  longer  solely  the  reward  of 
sturdy  industry  and  enlightened  foresight,  but 
that  they  result  from  the  discriminating  favor  of 


LIFE  OF  GROl'ER  CI.E  I'l-.l.AXD. 

the  Government,  and  are  largely  built  upon  undue 
exactions  from  the  masses  of  our  people.  The 
gulf  between  employers  and  the  employed  is  con 
stantly  widening,  and  classes  are  rapidly  forming, 
one  comprising  the  very  rich  and  powerful,  while 
in  another  are  found  the  toiling  poor. 

"  As  we  view  the  achievements  of  aggregated 
capital,  we  discover  the  existence  of  trusts,  com 
binations,  and  monopolies,  while  the  citizen  is 
struggling  far  in  the  rear,  or  is  trampled  to  death 
beneath  an  iron  heel.  Corporations,  which  should 
be  the  carefully  restrained  creatures  of  the  law  and 
the  servants  of  the  people,  are  fast  becoming  the 
people's  masters. 

"  Still  congratulating  ourselves  upon  the  wealth 
and  prosperity  of  our  country,  and  complacently 
contemplating  every  incident  of  change  insepara 
ble  from  these  conditions,  it  is  our  duty  as  patri 
otic  citizens  to  inquire,  at  the  present  stage  of  our 
progress,  how  the  bond  of  the  Government  made 
with  the  people  has  been  kept  and  performed. 

"  Instead  of  limiting  the  tribute  drawn  from  our 
^> 

citizens  to  the  necessities  of  its  economical  admin 
istration,  the  Government  persists  in  exacting 
from  the  substance  of  the  people,  millions  which, 
unapplied  and  useless,  lie  dormant  in  the  Treas 
ury.  This  flagrant  injustice,  and  this  breach  of 
faith  and  obligation,  add  to  extortion  the  danger 
attending  the  diversion  of  the  currency  of  the 
country  from  the  legitimate  channels- of  business. 


THE  END  OF  THE  CENTURY. 

"  Unchr  the  same  laws  by  which  these  results 
are  produced,  the  Government  permits  many 
millions  more  to  be  added  to  the  cost  of  living  of 
our  people,  and  to  be  taken  from  our  consumers, 
which  unreasonably  swell  the  profits  of  a  small 
b  at  powerful  minority. 

"  The  people  must  still  be  taxed  for  the  support 
of  the  Government  under  the  operation  of  tariff 
laws.  But  to  the  extent  that  the  means  of  our 
citizens  are  inordinately  burdened  beyond  any 
useful  public  service,  and  for  the  benefit  of  a  fav 
ored  few,  the  Government,  under  pretense  of  an 
exercise  of  its  taxing"  powers,  enters  gratuitously 
into  a  partnership  with  these  favorites,  to  their 
advantage  and  to  the  injury  of  a  vast  majority  of 
our  people. 

"  This  is  not  equality  before  the  law.  ... 

"  The  grievances  of  those  not  included  within 
the  circle  of  these  beneficiaries,  when  fully  real 
ized,  will  surely  arouse  irritation  and  discontent. 
Our  farmers,  long-suffering  and  patient,  struggling 
in  the  race  of  life  with  the  hardest  and  most  unre-. 
mitting  toil,  will  not  fail  to  see,  in  spite  of  misrep 
resentations  and  misleading  fallacies,  that  they 
are  obliged  to  accept  such  prices  for  their  products 
as  are  fixed  in  foreign  markets  where  they  com 
pete  with  the  farmers  of  the  world  ;  that  their 
lands  are  declining  in  value  while  their  debts 
increase,  and  that  without  compensatory  favor, 
they  are  forced  by  the  action  of  the  Government 


~  j  o  LIFE  OF  GRO  VER  CL  F.  I  'ELAND. 

to  pay  for  the  benefit  of  others  such  enhanced 
prices  for  the  things  they  need  that  the  scanty 
returns  of  their  labor  fail  to  furnish  their  support, 
or  leave  no  margin  for  accumulation. 

"  Our  workingmen,  enfranchised  from  all  delu 
sions,  and  no  longer  frightened  by  the  cry  that 
their  wages  are  endangered  by  a  just  revision  of 
our  tariff  laws,  will  reasonably  demand,  through 
such  revison,  steadier  employment,  cheaper  means 
of  living  in  their  homes,  freedom  for  themselves 
and  their  children  from  the  doom  of  perpetual 
servitude,  and  an  open  door  to  their  advancement 
beyond  the  limits  of  a  laboring  class.  Others  of 
our  citizens,  whose  comfort  and  expenditure  are 
measured  by  moderate  salaries  and  fixed  incomes, 
will  insist  upon  the  fairness  and  justice  of  cheap 
ening  the  cost  of  necessaries  for  themselves  and 

o 

their  families.  ... 

"  Communism  is  a  hateful  thing,  and  a 
menace  to  peaceful  and  organized  government. 
But  the  communism  of  combined  wealth  and  cap 
ital,  the  outgrowth  of  everweening  cupidity  and 
selfishness,  which  insidiously  undermines  the  jus 
tice  and  integrity  of  free  institutions,  is  not  less 
dangerous  than  the  communism  of  oppressed 
poverty  and  toil,  which,  exasperated  by  injustice 
and  discontent,  attacks  with  wild  disorder  the 
citadel  of  rule. 

"  He  mocks  the  people  who  proposes  tHat  the 
Government  shall  protect  the  rich,  and  the*'  they 


THE  END  OF  THE  CENTURY.  - 

in  turn  will  care  for  the  laboring  poor.  Any 
intermeddling  between  the  people  and  their  Gov 
ernment,  or  the  least  delegation  of  the  care  and 
protection  the  Government  owes  to  the  humblest 
citizen  in  the  land,  makes  the  boast  of  free  insti 
tutions  a  glittering  delusion,  and  the  pretended 
boon  of  American  citizenship  a  shameless  imposi 
tion." 

The  message  goes  on  to  point  out  the  need  of 
a  just  revision  of  our  tariff  laws,  and  a  reduction 
of  our  revenue  sufficient  to  prevent  extravagance 
and  a  demoralizing  appropriation  of  public  money, 
and  suggests  the  danger  of  fostering  the  idea  that 
the  Government  exists  as  a  charitable  institution 
for  the  benefit  of  localities  and  individuals.  It 
makes  a  strong  objection  to  the  intrusion  of 
Federal  legislation  upon  the  domains  of  State  and 
local  legislation,  and  proceeds  : 

"  The  preservation  of  the'  partitions  between 
proper  subjects  of  Federal  and  local  care  and 
regulation  is  of  such  importance  under  the  Con 
stitution,  which  is  the  law  of  your  very  existence, 
that  no  consideration  of  expediency  or  senti 
ment  should  tempt  us  to  enter  upon  doubtful 
ground.  We  have  undertaken  to  discover  and 
proclaim  the  richest  blessings  of  a  free  govern 
ment  with  the  Constitution  as  our  guide.  Let  us 
follow  the  way  it  points  out.  It  will  not  mislead 
us.  And  surely  no  one  who  has  taken  upon  him 
self  the  solemn  obligation  to  support  and  preserve 


„  j  ^  /.  //-A    OF  G'A' 0  I  '/•  A'  C  7.  /•:  /  'ELAND. 

the  Constitution  will  find  justification  or  solace  for 
disloyalty  in  the  excuse  that  he  wandered  and  dis 
obeyed  in  search  of  a  better  way  to  reach  the  pub 
lic  welfare  than  the  Constitution  offers. 

"  What  has  been  said  is  deemed  not  inappro 
priate  at  a  time  when,  from  a  century's  height,  we 
view  the  way  already  trodden  by  the  American 
people,  and  attempt  to  discover  their  future  path." 

Such  a  presentation  of  the  industrial  condition 
of  the  American  people,  of  the  dangers  facing 
them,  of  the  oppression  to  which  they  have  been 
subjected  by  organized  wealth,  and  of  the  perils 
likely  to  attend  an  unlimited  increase  of  individual 
capital,  and  the  extravagance  induced  by  an  over 
flowing  Treasury,  had  never  before  been  offered 
by  an  American  President  for  the  consideration  of 
thoughtful  and  far-seeing  citizens,  and  its  repro 
duction  here  seems  appropriate,  as  President 
Cleveland's  farewell  message  of  wisdom  to  the 
intelligence  of  the  country. 

THE    PRESIDENT   AND    CONGRESS. 

That  this  message  should  have  any  effect  upon 
the  deliberations  of  Congress  was  not  to  be  ex 
pected.  Congresses  are  rarely  made  up  of  advo 
cates  of  national  reform,  or  of  men  educated  in 
the  higher  lessons  of  political  economy,  but  ordi 
narily  consist  in  large  part  of  log-rolling  politicians, 
purblind  partisans, and  men  in  whose  eyes  local 
interests  are  so  large  as  to  shut  out  the  view  of 


THE  END  OF  THE  CENTURY  ~  ,  ^ 

31  J 

the  whole  country;  and  in  a  small  minority  of 
men  devoted  to  the  best  interests  of  the  country 
and  of  mankind  at  large.  Congress,  therefore,  in 
its  ordinary  fashion,  shutting  its  ears  to  the  words 
of  wisdom  which  had  been  addressed  to  it,  pro 
ceeded  to  debate  questions  of  party  politics  and 
immediate  expediency,  leaving  all  larger  questions 
to  outwork  themselves  in  God's  good  time  and 
way. 

It  was  the  second  session  of  the  Fiftieth  Con 
gress,  its  term  ending  March  4th,  1889,  at  the  con 
clusion,  as  the  President  had  said,  of  the  country's 
first  century  of  existence,  No  subjects  of  vital 
importance  came  before  it,  and  the  relations  of 
President  and  Congress  were  generally  harmoni 
ous.  Of  the  bills  passed,  the  most  important 
were  those  admitting  to  the  Union  the  States  of 
North  and  South  Dakota,  Washington,  and  Mon 
tana ;  inaugurating  the  Nicaragua  Canal  Com 
pany;  amending  the  Interstate  Commerce  Law, 
and  refunding  to  the  States  the  direct  tax  levied 
by  the  Government  in  1861.  All  these,  with  the 
exception  of  the  last  named,  were  promptly  signed 
by  the  President.  The  last  he  returned  with  a 
veto.  As  this  veto  was  signed  March  2d,  1889, 
and  was  President  Cleveland's  final  official  act  of 
importance,  we  give  here  part  of  the  text  of  his 
message,  showing  his  reasons  for  withholding  his 
official  sanction  to  the  bill.  The  history  of  the  bill 
was  as  follows  : 


„,  4  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

3*4 

On  August  5th,  1861,  Congress,  feeling  the  ne 
cessity  of  meeting  the  rapidly-growing  need  of 
money,  had  passed  an  Act  laying  a  direct  tax  upon 
the  people  of  the  country,  but  leaving  the  collec 
tion  of  it  to  the  States,  in  case  they  were  willing 
to  undertake  it.  Of  recent  years  it  had  been  ad 
vanced  as  an  axiom  by  many  members  of  the 
Republican  party  that  this  money  properly  be 
longed  to  the  States,  and  that  it  was  the  duty  of 
the  general  Government  to  return  it  to  them. 
Accordingly,  in  the  session  of  Congress  with 
which  we  are  now  concerned,  a  bill  was  passed 
ordering  the  refunding  of  this  money  to  the  several 
States,  to  be  held  in  trust  for  its  return  to  the 
citizens  from  whom  it  was  originally  collected. 

This  bill  President  Cleveland  vetoed,  ofivino-  the 

'  o  o 

following  reasons  for  his  action  :  The  tax,  he  said, 
had  not  been  laid  by  Congress  upon  the  States, 
but  directly  upon  the  people,  and  was  an  exercise 
of  the  constitutional  right  of  the  Government  to 
tax  its  citizens,  which  called  for  no  reversal  of 
action.  There  was  no  more  occasion  for  its  return 
than  for  the  return  of  any  other  tax.  The  States 
and  Territories  had  been  given  the  privilege  of 
collecting  their  quota  of  the  tax  in  their  own  way, 
or  of  offsetting  it  by  claims  of  their  own  against 
the  Government.  Most  of  the  States  accepted 
this  provision,  collecting  the  money  from  individual 
citizens,  as  the  Government  itself  would  otherwise 
have  done.  The  President  did  not  think  that  this 


THE  END  OF  THE  CENTURY.  -     - 

was  in  any  way  a  debt  due  by  the  Government  to 
the  States,  as  the  refunding  bill  suggested.  If  due 
to  anybody,  it  was  to  the  citizens  from  whom  col 
lected,  but  it  did  not  properly  appear  to  be  due  to 
anybody. 

"  The  expenditure,"  continued  the  President, 
"  cannot  properly  be  advocated  on  the  ground  that 
the  general  welfare  of  the  United  States  is  thereby 
provided  for  or  promoted.  A  sheer,  bald  gratuity, 
bestowed  either  upon  States  or  individuals,  based 
upon  no  other  reason  than  supports  the  gift  pro 
posed  in  this  bill,  has  neveV  been  claimed  to  be  a 
provision  for  the  general  welfare.  The  Direct 
Tax  law  of  1861  is  not  even  suspected  of  inva 
lidity;  there  never  was  a  tax  levied  that  was  more 
needed,  and  its  justice  cannot  be  questioned. 
Why,  then,  should  it  be  returned  ? 

"  Nor  have  the  States  any  claim  to  it  as  such. 
The  citizens  gave  it ;  the  States  do  not  propose 
to  search  them  out  and  return  it  to  them.  The 
existence  of  a  surplus  in  the  Treasury  is  no 
answer  to  these  objections.  It  is  still  the  people's 
money,  and  better  use  can  be  found  for  it  than 
the  distribution  of  it  upon  the  plan  of  the  reim 
bursement  of  ancient  taxation.  .  .  . 

"I  am  constrained  upon  the  considerations 
here  presented  to  withhold  my  assent  from  the 
bill  herewith  returned,  because  I  believe  it  to  be 
without  constitutional  warrant;  because  I  am  of 
the  opinion  that  there  exist  no  adequate  reasons, 


<,T£  LI1-J-:  OF  C.KOl'KR 

O1Q 

either  in  right  or  equity,  for  the  return  of  the  tax 
in  said  bill  mentioned,  and  because  I  believe  its 
execution  would  cause  actual  injustice  and  un 
fairness. 

"  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 
"Executive  Mansion,  March  2d,  1889." 

This  veto  killed  the  bill  for  the  time  being.  It 
was  passed  over  the  veto  in  the  Senate,  but  failed 
to  be  brought  up  in  the  House.  It  is  well  here 
to  state,  in  conclusion  of  this  subject,  that  this 
mode  of  getting  rid  of  a  Treasury  surplus,  checked 
by  the  action  of  President  Cleveland,  was  accom 
plished  in  the  next  Congress,  under  a  Republican 
administration.  A  similar  bill  was  passed  by  the 
Senate  during  the  first  session  of  the  Fifty-first 
Congress,  and  by  the  House  on  February  4th, 
1891,  during  the  second  session,  and  became  a 
law  by  the  signature  of  President  Harrison.  As 
finally  passed  it  provides  that  the  money  repaid 
to  the  States  and  Territories  shall  be  held  in  trust 
for  the  benefit  of  the  individuals  from  whom  it 
was  collected.  Six  years  are  allowed  to  file 
claims.  Any  portion  of  it  not  claimed  by  that 
time  becomes  the  property  of  the  State.  In  view 
of  the  ravages  of  death,  and  the  many  changes 
which  have  taken  place  within  the  past  30  years, 
the  probability  is  that  the  claims  will  be  few,  and 
the  States  will  fall  heir  to  the  bulk  of  this  money. 

This  veto,  as  we  have  said,  was  the  last  im 
portant  official  act  of  President  Cleveland.  Two 


WILLIAM    L.    WILSON. 
(Permanent  Chairman  of  Nominating  Convention.) 


THE  END  OF  THE  CEXTUR  Y.  ^17 

days  afterward,  on  March  4th,  1889,  he  surren 
dered  the  office  of  President  and  the  executive 
mansion  to  his  successor,  and  retired  to  private 
life,  having  made  himself  a  name  for  unflinching 
honesty  and  a  high  sense  of  official  responsibility 
during  his  Presidential  career,  which  will  live  long 
in  history,  and  place  his  record  among  that  of  the 
American  Presidents  most  noted  for  probity  and 
non-partisan  public  spirit. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

IN    PRIVATE    LIFE. 

IN  the  whole  history  of  mankind  there  have 
been  few  stories  as  remarkable  as  that  of 
Grover  Cleveland.  In  1880,  a  private  citizen 
of  an  interior  city,  of  no  higher  public  importance 
than  any  other  of  the  50,000,000  inhabitants  of 
the  United  States;  in  1884,  the  President  of  the 
greatest  republic  the  world  has  ever  known,  the 
elected  ruler  of  the  most  prosperous  nation  upon 
the  globe.  It  seemed  almost  the  work  of  magic. 
No  doubt  Dame  Fortune  had  a  hand  in  it,  but 
character  had  as  much,  and  the  admiration  of  the 
American  people  for  unapproachable  integrity  in 
office  had  the  most.  It  was  his  record  for  un 
flinching  honesty  and  a  high  public  spirit  as  Mayor 
of  Buffalo  that  in  two  years  made  him  Governor 
of  New  York,  that  stepping-stone  to  the  Presi 
dency  of  the  United  States.  His  integrity  and 
ability  in  this  office  gave  him  the  nomination  for 
President,  and  the  Democratic  party  carried  him 
successfully  into  this  exalted  office,  though  his 
opponent  was  the  most  eminent  statesman  in  the 
Republican  ranks. 

Four   years    had    now    passed,    during    which 
President  Cleveland  had  shown   such  ability,  in- 

318 


IN  PRIVATE  LIFE.  _ 

tegrity,  and  single-souled  devotion  to  duty  as  to 
make  him  the  favorite  of  his  party,  and  their  can 
didate  for  the  two  ensuing  terms.  Yet  it  was 

doubtless  with  a  sense  of  relief  that  he  resigned 

^ 

to  his  successor  the  cares  and  duties  of  office,  and 
retired  to  private  life,  seeking  rest  from  the  inces 
sant  labors  of  his  Presidential  service. 

On  leaving  Washington,  however,  the  ex- 
President  had  no  thought  of  pursuing  an  idle  life. 
The  instinct  of  work,  the  American  delight  in  oc 
cupation,  was  too  strong  in  him  for  that,  and  he, 
without  loss  of  time,  resumed  the  practice  of  his 
old  profession.  Seeking  the  city  of  New  York, 
he  opened  a  law  office  on  Madison  Avenue,  and 
during  the  last  four  years  the  practice  of  law  in 
the  New  York  courts  has  been  his  field  of  labor. 

As  regards  Mr.  Cleveland's  private  means,  it 
may  be  said  that  he  saved  no  great  sum  out  of 
his  Presidential  salary ;  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
he  made  fortunate  investments,  some  of  them  by 
the  advice  of  Mr.  Whitney,  so  that  he  had  a  for 
tune  of  about  $200,000.  His  wife's  wealth  was 
considerably  larger  than  this,  but  this  Mr.  Cleve 
land  would  never  touch,  his  sole  relation  to  it 
being  advice  in  regard  to  investments.  His 
wife's  wealth,  in  his  opinion,  was  her  own,  and  it 
was  his  duty  to  pay  his  own  way  through  the 
world. 

He  had  hopes  of  adding  considerably  to  his  for 
tune  through  the  profits  of  his  legal  practice, 


LIFE  OF  GROVEK  CLEVELAND. 

which  he  entered  upon  with  some  enthusiasm. 
These  hopes  have  not  been  realized.  His  pro 
fessional  business  has  not 'been  large,  partly  from 
the  fact  that  he  has  kept  clear  from  connection 
with  those  great  corporations  which  might  have 
thrown  very  profitable  business  into  his  hands. 
He  has  received  retainers  from  some  of  these 
associations,  but  has  invariably  declined  them. 

He  conducted  one  important  case,  in  his  first 
year's  practice,  appearing  in  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States.  Here  the  judges  received 
him  with  every  manifestation  of  high  considera 
tion,  but  he  lost  the  case.  Since  then  his  busi 
ness  has  consisted  largely  in  what  are  called 
"  references."  This  is  a  species  of  office  practice 
which  is  not  very  conspicuous  or  exhilarating,  but 
it  does  not  pay  badly,  and  demands  that  steady 
attention  to  detail  and  patient  labor  which  has 
distinguished  Mr.  Cleveland,  alike  in  public  and 
private  life.  It  is  said  that  his  income  from  his 
profession  has  been  from  $20,000  to  $25,000  a 
year,  no  more  than  enough  to  meet  his  family- 
necessities  in  the  style  in  which  he  is  obliged  to 
live. 

During  Mr.  Cleveland's  New  York  life  he  has 
taken  pains  to  keep  clear  of  entangling  political 
alliances,  and  to  avoid  intimacy  with  men  or  con 
nection  with  cliques  which  would  be  likely  to 
injure  him  in  public  opinion.  That  he  had  this  in 
view,  however,  is  questionable.  No  doubt  his 


IN  PRIVA  TE  LIFE.  ~  2  j 

natural  abhorrence  of  political  jobbery  or  trickery 
has  kept  him  from  any  such  dubious  connections. 
Of  his  various  city  intimates,  who  include  a  num 
ber  of  prominent  men,  the  most  prominent  has 
been  ex-Mayor  Grace.  No  man  has  been  seen 
more  often  at  the  house  and  in  the  office  of  Mr. 
Cleveland,  and  the  friendship  between  the  two 
men  has  been  unbroken  by  a  word  of  discord. 

Cleveland  has  shown  himself  a  companionable 
man,  not  much  of  a  reader,  but  a  good  listener, 
one  who  knows  how  to  hear  and  digest  other 

o 

men's  opinions,  and  to  take  good  advice  from 
whatever  quarter  it  may  come.  His  political 
creed  has  been  a  simple  one:  to  do  what  he 
thought  to  be  right  without  regard  to  what  men 
might  say,  but  to  use  his  utmost  endeavors  to 
widen  his  knowledge  and  improve  his  judgment 
as  to  the  right  and  wrong  of  political  questions. 

When  in  the  Presidential  chair  it  was  suggested 
to  him  that  he  ought  to  use  his  power  to  put  an 
end  to  Governor  Hill's  influence  in  New  York 
politics ;  to  crush  him,  in  short.  He  replied  to 
the  politician  who  had  suggested  it:  "This  crush 
ing  is  likely  to  be  an  ugly  business.  I  won't 
undertake  it.  A  good  many  men  have  dug  their 
graves  in  their  efforts  to  crush  others."  Here  we 
have  a  political  manual  in  a  nut-shell. 

Mr.  Cleveland,  however,  has  not  hesitated  to 
express  his  opinion  on  pclitical  questions  Curing 
his  private  life,  and  has  always  done  so  with  that 


-22  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

pithy  honesty  which  will  cling  to  him  through  life. 
His  motto  has  been,  "  What  I  think  right,"  not 
"  how  many  votes  may  it  cost."  During  his  four 
years'  life  as  a  lawyer,  he  has  appeared  at  various 
times  at  public  dinners  and  elsewhere,  where  he 
has  not  hesitated  in  the  free  expression  of  his 
opinion.  Thus,  at  the  Mercantile  Club  Dinner, 
at  Boston,  December  I2th,  1889,  he  spoke  in  the 
most  uncompromising  terms  in  favor  of  Civil 
Service  Reform  and  of  the  Australian  secret 
ballot. 

In  regard  to  this  system,  he  said  that  the  official 
ballot  is  the  "vital  principle  of  the  (ballot)  re 
form."  To  permit  the  use  of  an  unofficial  ballot 
"  would  leave  the  door  as  wide  open  as  ever  to 
bribery  and  corruption,"  and  an  "official  ballot 
only  would  sweep  away  to  a  very  great  extent,  if 
not  entirely,  all  excuse  for  campaign  funds — that 
fruitful  source  of  bribery  and  corruption,  for  if  the 
State  paid  all  the  expenses  of  the  election  there 
would  be  little  plea  to  levy  assessments  upon 
candidates,  and  contributions  from  interested 
outsiders." 

The  public  utterance  of  Mr.  Cleveland  that  has 
attracted  most  widespread  attention,  however, 
came  in  the  form  of  a  letter,  in  which  he  took 
open  ground  against  the  free  coinage  of  silver. 
This  letter  will  be  allowed  to  speak  for  itself: 
"  E.  ELLKRV  ANDERSON,  Eso. 

"  MY    DEAR   SIR. — I    have    this   afternoon    re- 


IN  PRIVA  TE  LIFE.  „ 

O     «j 

ceived  your  note  inviting  me  to  attend  to-morrow 
evening  a  meeting  called  for  the  purpose  of  voic 
ing  the  opposition  of  the  business  men  of  our  city 
to  *  free  coinage  of  silver  in  the  United  States.'  I 
shall  not  be  able  to  attend  and  address  the  meet 
ing  as  you  request,  but  I  am  glad  that  the  busi 
ness  interests  of  New  York  are  at  last  to  be 
heard  on  the  subject.  It  surely  cannot  be  neces 
sary  for  me  to  make  a  formal  expression  of  my 
agreement  with  those  who  believe  that  the  great 
est  perils  vvould  be  invited  by  the  adoption  of  the 
scheme  embraced  in  the  measure  now  pending  in 
Congress  for  an  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  at  our 
mints. 

"  If  we  have  developed  an  unexpected  capacity 
for  the  assimilation  of  a  largely  increased  volume 
of  the  currency,  and  even  if  we  have  demonstrated 
the  usefulness  of  such  an  increase,  these  condi 
tions  fall  far  short  of  insuring  us  against  disaster 
if  in  the  present  situation  we  enter  upon  the  dan 
gerous  ani  reckless  experiment  of  free,  unlimited, 
and  independent  silver  coinage. 

"  Yours  very  truly, 

"GROVER  CLEVELAND. 
41  February  loth,   1891." 

This  letter  caused  no  small  sensation.  It  was 
commented  upon  in  all  quarters,  some  persons 
asserting  that  the  ex-President  had  destroyed  all 
hope  of  a  renomination,  though  in  the  East  his 
letter  was  applauded  by  men  of  all  parties.  It 


~  2  *  LIFE  OF  GK  O I  'ER  CL  A  /  'ELAND. 

was  said  that  nothing  else  could  have  been  ex 
pected  from  Mr.  Cleveland.  As  to  its  effect,  he 
has  been  re-nominated  on  a  platform  which  ex 
presses  virtually  similar  views,  and  since  the  Con 
vention  the  hopes  of  the  free  silver  advocates 
have  been  dashed  by  a  decisively  adverse  vote  in 
Congress.  The  United  States  is  safe  from  free 
silver  coinage  for  a  year  to  come. 

We  have  said  that  Mr.  Cleveland  is  a  compan 
ionable  man.  He  likes  to  have  good  fellows 
around  him,  and  is  utterly  unassuming,  unpreten 
tious,  and  genial  in  his  dealings  with  his  associates. 
As  regards  his  social  habits,  he  has  improved 
under  the  influence  of  his  wife.  His  bachelor  life 
at  Buffalo  was  not  calculated  to  teach  him  the 
manners  of  polished  society,  and  Mrs.  Cleveland 
has  in  some  respects  made  another  man  of  him. 
She  has  in  New  York  arranged  little  dinner  par 
ties,  where  he  met  men  and  women  of  other  than 
political  influence,  intercourse  with  whom  has  had 
a  softening  and  broadening  effect  which  he  was 
not  likely  to  gain  in  official  life. 

Among  those  intimate  friends  whom  he  owes 
to  his  wife's  influence  are  the  the  editors  of  two 
of  our  great  illustrated  monthlies,  men  whose 
society  he  thoroughly  enjoys,  and  whose  conver 
sation  has  opened  to  him  a  broad  new  field  of  life 
beyond  the  domain  of  politics. 

To  one  of  these  men,  Mr.  Gilder,  of  The 
Century,  he  owes  his  introduction  to  a  domain  of 


IN  PRIVA  TE  LIFE.  .  2  - 

enjoyment  which  has  been  an  unending  source  of 
delight  to  him.  Mr.  Cleveland's  business  has 
not  been  one  that  kept  him  tied  to  the  office.  He 
has  had  abundant  leisure  for  recreation,  and  this 
recreation  has  largely  taken  the  form  of  fishing, 
of  which  he  is  very  fond.  Formerly  he  looked 
upon  the  Adirondacks  as  the  ideal  place  of  re 
pose  ;  largely  for  the  opportunities  of  trout  fish 
ing  which  it  presented.  But  this  woodland  dis 
trict  has  its  drawbacks,  largely  in  the  form  of 
black  flies,  and  our  ardent  sportsman  often  felt 
that  its  misery  outweighed  its  enjoyments. 

He  has  reformed  all  that.  The  sea  is  now  his 
chosen  place  of  resort,  and  deep-sea  fishing  his 
delight.  How  this  change  came  about  is  the  sub 
stance  of  the  story  we  have  next  to  tell. 

Joe  Jefferson,  the  "  Rip  Van  Winkle  "  of  theat 
rical  fame,  had  become  possessed  of  a  property 
on  Buzzard's  Bay,  Massachusetts,  where  the  ad 
joining  waters  offered  excellent  sea-bass  fishing. 
Mr.  Gilder,  who  had  been  touched  with  the  same 
fever,  invited  Mr.  Cleveland  to  take  a  summer's 
vacation  in  that  breezy  district.  Here  he  was 
taken  out  to  fish  for  sea-bass,  and  he  found  the 
sport  so  exhilarating  and  the  sea  breezes  so  in 
vigorating  that  he  became  fascinated  with  the 
pursuit,  and  incontinently  deserted  the  Adiron 
dacks  for  this  new  world  of  sport. 

Joe  Jefferson,  as  we  have  said,  was  one  of  the 
club  of  Buzzard  Bay  fishermen.  Mr.  Cleveland 


LIFE  OF  CKOl'KK  CI.I-.ri:  LAND. 

made  his  acquaintance,  and  soon  began  to  enjoy 
Jefferson  as  much  as  he  did  the  fishing.  There 
was  here  no  talk  of  politics,  and  no  suggestion  of 
business  life.  The  conversation  was  confined 
to  fishing  chat,  social  subjects,  and  a  free  spice  of 
that  fund  of  anecdote,  humorous  and  dramatic, 
which  Jefferson  has  in  his  mental  store-house, 
and  which  his  visitor  delighted  to  hear.  Jefferson, 
moreover,  was  a  good  sportsman,  a  fact  which 
endeared  him  the  more  to  the  sport-loving  ex- 
President,  and  the  two  men  have  become  intimate 
associates.  Of  other  men  whom  he  has  met  there 
may  be  named  Edwin  Booth,  who  shared  this 
intimacy ;  and  Mr.  E.  C.  Benedict,  the  Wall  Street 
broker,  a  gentleman  who  is  an  enthusiastic  lover 
of  the  game  of  cribbage.  As  Cleveland  enjoys 
the  same  game,  the  representatives  from  Wall 
Street  and  from  the  White  House  have  spent 
many  a  night  over  the  cribbage  board,  as  intent  on 
the  fortunes  of  the  2fame  as  though  the  fate  of 

o  o 

the  nation  or  the  money  market  depended 
upon  it. 

As  regards  Mr.  Cleveland's  abilities  as  a  fisher 
man  and  his  powers  as  a  philosopher,  Mr.  Jeffer 
son  has  recently  made  the  following  appreciative 
remarks  : 

"Great  men  are  apt  to  be  good  fishermen. 
You  can  judge  a  man's  characteristics  better 
when  you  fish  with  him  than  under  almost  any 
other  conditions.  Mr.  Cleveland  is  an  eminent 


IN  PRIVA  TE  LIFE.  .  2  - 

philosopher  and  a  profound  thinker.  He  is  a 
Sherman,  consequently,  of  a  high  order,  as  emi 
nent  philosophers  generally  are.  He  fishes  with 
a  rod  in  a  scientific  manner,  and  possesses  the 
art  of  cajoling  a  bass  to  his  hook  with  almost  ab 
solute  certainty. 

"  Mr.  Cleveland,  Mr.  Gilder,  of  the  Century 
Magazine,  my  son,  and  myself  own  a  lake  and 
three  islands  at  Marsh  Pee  on  Cape  Cod.  We 
named  them  in  spirit  of  mild  satire,  after  the 
name  of  the  capes,  which  very  frequently  termi 
nate  in  '  it ;'  for  instance,  Manomit,  Cotonit,  and 
Naquissit.  The  islands'  names  are  Getonit, 
Notinit,  and  Comoffit. 

"Some  of  the  fishing  that  I  have  seen  Mr. 
Cleveland  do  in  the  vicinity  of  our  camping 
grounds  at  Marsh  Pee  would  sound  so  incredible 
that  I  do  not  wish  to  peril  my  reputation  as  a  re 
liable  relator  of  piscatorial  anecdotes.  During 
our  great  raids  on  the  finny  tribe,  Mr.  Cleveland 
observed  that  wide  reticence  that  indicates  an  in 
terest  in  the  sport — complacency  and  peace  and 
harmony  with  all  mankind." 

Mr.  Cleveland's  prowess  as  a  fisherman  is  said 
to  be  remarkable.  At  the  end  of  a  troll  line,  or 
in  landing  a  2o-pound  striped  bass,  he  displays 
all  the  patience  and  self-control  of  a  statesman. 
His  catch  is  at  times  phenomenal.  Seventy-five 
blue  fish  in  a  day  are  recorded  of  him.  ^  Yet  he 
can  wait  all  day  in  patience  for  a  bite,  without  a 


„  2  8  L IFE  OF  GK  ° l  'ER  CL  E 

word  of  complaint  if  none  comes.  His  friends,  in 
fact,  speak  of  him  as  an  ideal  fisherman,  and  one 
who  tells  the  absolute  truth  about  his  catch — an 
extraordinary  evidence  of  virtue  in  a  fisherman. 

Mr.  Cleveland  is  Mr.  Jefferson's  neighbor  in 
another  sense  than  as  a  visitor.  He  has  acquired 
a  property  of  his  own  on  Buzzard's  Bay,  and 
"  Gray  Gables,"  as  his  residence  is  christened,  is 
now  his  summer  house. 

The  house  in  question  is  near  the  village  of 
Bourne,  a  place  "delightful  to  traveiy>'^;«."  Ex 
ternally  it  is  not  attractive.  Trees  are  conspicu 
ous  by  their  absence,  the  house  is  bare  and 
exposed,  and  its  prevailing  gray  hue  is  not 
particularly  beautiful.  It  is  a  quaintly-shaped 
mansion,  abundant  in  gables,  from  which,  and  its 
dusty  color,  it  derives  its  name. 

Internally  Gray  Gables  is  said  to  be  delightfully 
attractive.  The  rooms  are  finished  in  natural 
woods,  each  room  having  its  own  particular  wood 
— oak,  cherry,  spruce,  etc. — and  the  general  effect 
is  very  agreeable.  The  leading  architectural  fea 
ture  is  the  hall,  which  is  of  magnificent  propor 
tions.  Its  walls  run  up  to  the  roof,  a  height  of 
1 8  or  20  feet,  and  are  broken  midway  by  an  airy 
balcony,  which  communicates  with  the  stairs,  and 
from  which  access  is  gained  to  the  chambers, 
which  are  tucked  cozily  away  beneath  the  gables. 

There  are  no  carpets  on  the  floors.  Mats  take 
their  place.  Bits  of  tapestry  and  needlework  are 


IN  PRIVA  TE  LIFE. 

used  freely  as  ornaments.  Everywhere  are  easy 
seats,  cosy  nooks,  soft  rugs,  cool  rooms  ;  and 
altogether,  between  the  architect's  taste  in  build 
ing  and  Mrs.  Cleveland's  genius  in  furnishing 
and  adorning,  Gray  Gables  constitutes  as  attract 
ive  a  summer  residence  as  even  an  ex- President 
could  covet. 

Mrs.  Cleveland  is  not  given  to  the  piscatorial 
art.  She  rarely  indulges  in  what  is  her  husband's 
absorbing  passion,  though  on  one  occason  in 
which  she  was  induced  to  do  so,  the  story  goes 
that  she  greatly  astonished  Mr.  Cleveland  by  her 
remarkable  run  of  luck.  Fish  after  fish  came  up 
at  the  end  of  her  line,  while  he  sat  in  gloomy 
silence  without  a  nibble.  He  felt  forced  to  con 
gratulate  his  wife  on  her  success,  yet  it  was  a 
rather  awkward  situation  for  a  crack  fisherman  to 
find  himself  in.  It  was  not  until  the  day's  sport 
was  over  that  the  truth  came  out.  The  fun-lov 
ing  woman  had  bribed  the  man  who  prepared 
their  lines  to  make  hers  specially  attractive,  and 
to  fix  Mr.  Cleveland's  so  that  the  bass  would  have 
no  inducement  to  bite.  The  result  was  a  hearty 
laugh  at  the  disappointed  fisherman. 

The  story,  in  its  way,  has  a  certain  affinity  to 
that  told  by  Plutarch,  of  Cleopatra  and  Mark 
Antony,  in  which  Antony  having  ill-luck  as  an 
angler,  hired  divers  to  place  fish  on  his  hook. 
Cleopatra  saw  through  this  trick,  and  the  next 
day  turned  the  tables  on  him  by  hiring  a  diver  to 


/,//•/:  (*>/-'  C, ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

place  on  his  hook  a  salt  fish  from  Pontus,  laugh 
ing  heartily  at  the  discomfited  angler  as  he  drew 
this  up. 

There  is  another  inmate  of  Gray  Gables  of 
whom  we  have  not  spoken,  but  who  certainly 
deserves  a  paragraph.  Baby  Ruth,  who  came 
into  this  world  in  October,  1891,  has  not  yet 
rounded  her  first  year  as  a  citizeness  of  this  great 
republic,  yet  she  has  already  gained  as  great  a 
host  of  admirers  as  either  of  her  parents.  So  far 
this  admiration  is  wasted  on  this  very  young  lady, 
but  the  time  is  coming  in  which  she  will  know 
what  it  all  means. 

A  few  words  are  here  in  place  in  regard  to  the 
personal  appearance  and  qualities  of  the  man  who 
is  again  presented  as  the  candidate  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party.  Mr.  Cleveland  is  a  little  under  six 
feet  in  height,  but  is  so  heavily  built  that  he  looks 
of  less  stature.  His  weight  is  about  250  pounds  : 
his  hair  is  scant,  he  wears  a  light  mustache  ;  the 
lines  of  his  face  are  deeply  graven,  and  his  ordi 
nary  aspect  is  that  of  a  grave  and  serious  man, 
easily  lighted  by  a  gleam  of  humor  or  a  kindly 
feeling.  He  generally  dresses  in  a  Prince  Albert 
frock  coat,  but  on  informal  occasions  wears  a  gray 
business  suit  with  cutaway  or  sack  coat. 

In  conversation,  he  is  quiet,  dignified,  and  self- 
possessed,  a  good  listener,  but  not  without  a 
positive,  and  when  necessary,  a  dogmatic  manner. 
In  public  speech  he  is  easy,  self-contained,  fluent, 


IN  PR  I VA  TE  L IFE. 

o  o 

and  impressive.  His  personal  qualities  include  a 
strong  power  of  will,  inflexible  courage,  and  un 
questionable  honesty,  which  are  not  unmixed  with 
a  keen  sense  of  humor,  a  sly  sarcasm,  and  the 
generous  sympathies  of  a  warm  heart. 

While  in  office  he,  while  untiringly  industrious 
himself,  expected  the  same  industry  in  his  subor 
dinates.  He  would  stay  up  late  at  night,  if  ne 
cessary,  to  complete  his  tasks.  He  had  an  un 
usual  ability  in  mastering  the  details  of  a  case, 
and  not  infrequently  a  member  of  the  Cabinet, 
after  submitting  to  him  a  matter  in  general, 
would  find  next  day  that  its  chief  was  familiar 
with  all  its  details,  which  he  had  spent  part  of  the 
night  in  acquiring.  In  this  way  he  got  through 
with  enormous  quantities  of  business,  without  ne 
glect  of  the  numerous  social  duties  which  his 
position  as  head  of  the  Government  exacted  of 
him. 

With  a  high  and  even  stern  sense  of  official 
duty,  his  sympathies  are  easily  aroused.  In  the 
circles  where  he  is  most  intimately  known  are 
current  many  incidents  testifying  to  the  warmth 
of  his  generosity,  his  fidelity  to  his  friends,  and 
his  sincere  appreciation  of  the  fireside  virtues 
which  alike  adorn  citizen  and  ruler. 

Of  the  President's  great-grandfather,  who  died 
in  Benjamin  Franklin's  house  in  1757,  that  illus 
trious  man  said: 

"  He  is  a  gentleman  easy   and  affable  in  his 


LIFE  OF  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

conversation,  open  and  sincere  in  his  friendship, 
and  above  any  species  of  meanness  and  dissim 
ulation.'* 

These  qualities  have  not  been  lost  in  the  family 
inheritance. 


WM.    M.    SPRINGER. 


RECORD  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  Convention  it  became  evident  to  the 
many  thousands  anxiously  awaiting  the  outcome  in  the  convention 
city  and  throughout  the  country  that  Mr.  Cleveland  would  be 
nominated  on  the  first  ballot.  The  ex-President  himself  felt, 
confident  all  through  the  trying  hours  preceding  the  vote.  Ilia  I 
this  would  be  the  course  of  the  Convention.  The  ballot  resulted 
as  follows : 

For  President, 

GROVER  CLEVELAND, 

of  New  York. 

For  Vice  President, 

ADLAI  E.  STEVENSON 

of  Illinois. 


The  vote  for  President  was : 

Grover  Cleveland,  of  New  York 617 \ 

David  B.  Hill,  of  New  York 1 15 

Horace  Boies,  of  Iowa '103 

Arthur  P.  Gorman,  of  Maryland 30  £ 

A.  E.  Stevenson,  of  Illinois 10  ~- 

John  G.  Carlisle,  of  Kentucky , 14 

William  B.  Morrison,  of  Illinois  2 

James  E.  Campbell,  of  Ohio 2 

Robert  E.  Pattison,  of  Pennsylvania. 1 

William  B.  Whitney,  of  New  York 

William  Russell,  of  Massachusetts 1 

The  vote  for  Vice  President  was  : 

Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  of  Illinois 402 

Isaac  P.  Gray,  of  Indiana 343 

Allen  B.  Morse,  of  Michigan SO 

John  L.  Mitchell,  of  Wisconsin 45 

Henry  Watterson,  of  Kentucky ^0 

Bourke  Cockran,  of  New  York 5 

Lambert  Tree,  of  Illinois 1 


The   number  of  votes   cast  was  909£ ;  GOT  were   necessary  to  a 
choice. 

Of  the  scattering  votes  Campbell  got  2  from  Alabama.     Carlisle 
got  3   from   Florida,  6  from   Kentucky,   5   from  Ohio.     Total  ] 
Stevenson  got  16 f  from  North   Carolina.      Pattison   got   1  from 
West  Virginia.     Russell  got  1  from  Massachusetts.    Whitney  got 
1  from  Maine. 


RECORD  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 
The  first  and  only  ballot  for  President  was  as  follows : 

STATES.                     Cleveland.  Hill.  F.i.i  ^.     (ionimu.     Scat';:. 

Alabama 14  2  1                1                4 

Arkansas 10  ..  .. 

California 18  ..  ..''          ,. 

Colorado... 35  ..           -.. 

Connecticut 12  . .  . .             . .             . . 

Delaware 6  .. 

Florida  , 5  . .  . .  . .               3 

Georgia 17  5  ..              4 

Idaho . .  G 

Illinois 48 

Indiana 30 

Iowa .  .  2G 

Kansas 20 

Kentucky 18  ..  2             ..               6 

Louisiana 3  1  11  1 

Maine 9  1  ..  1               1 

Maryland 6  . .  . .  (J£           . . 

Massachusetts 24  4  1             ..               1 

Michigan 28  ..  ..              ..              "..« 

Minnesota 18 

Mississippi 8  3  3  4 

Missouri 34  ',;  ' 

Montana ..  ..  6 

Nebraska 15  ..  ..               1 

Nevada .  .  .  .  4               2 

New  Hampshire 8  ..  ..  ., 

New  Jersey 20 

New  York 72 

North  Carolina 3}  1  ..             ..             17f 

North  Dakota 6  11 

Ohio 14  6  1C              5              5 

Oregon 8 

I'ennsylvunia 64  ..  ..              ..             " . 

Rhode  Island 8 

South  Carolina 2  3  ].{ 

South  Dakota 7  ..  1 

Tennessee 24  ..  ..             . . 

M 23  1  6             .!             .. 

Vermont 8 

Virginia 12  11  ..               1 

'igton 8  .  .  .  . 

Virginia 7  1  ..  3               1 

Wisconsin     24  ..  ..         ''.".' 

Wyoming 3  3 

Alu^k.i    2 

Ari/ona 5  { 

DMri.-t  of  Columbia....  2 

N"\v  Mi-xii-u ...  411 

Oklahoma 2 

T't.ih 2       \    ..  '.'. 

Indian  Territory 2 


617^  115  103  3(1  J          38| 


CHAPTER  XXI.  , 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  OF  1892. 

THE  city  which  had  been  chosen  by  the 
National  Committee  for  the  meeting  of 
the  Democratic  National  Convention  of 
1892  was  Chicago,  the  date  June  2ist.  For  the 
use  of  the  Convention  a  large  "Wigwam"  had 
been  constructed,  a  huge  frame  building  about 
300  feet  long  by  200  wide,  with  a  seating  capacity 
of  nearly  20,000.  The  original  plan  contemplated 
a  canvas. roof,  upheld  by  a  single  great  pole  in 
the  centre  of  the  building.  Unluckily,  shortly  be 
fore  the  day  fixed  for  the  meeting  of  the  Conven 
tion,  Chicago  was  visited  by  one  of  those  wild 
Western  tornadoes  whichare  no  respectors  of  places 
or  purposes,  and  the  great  canvas  roof  went  off 
with  a  whirl.  It  was  decided  not  to  replace  it, 
but  to  build  a  wooden  roof,  upheld  by  a  forest  of 
pillars  from  within.  This  work  was  barely 
finished  when  the  opening  day  arrived,  and  proved 
to  have  two  serious  defects.  The  thick  pillars 
interfered  greatly  with  the  view,  while  the  hastily 
constructed  roof  failed  to  be  water-proof,  and  as 
it  rained  frequently  during  the  Convention,  seats 
within  the  Wigwam  often  became  the  reverse  of 
comfortable. 

333 


-..  LIFE  OF  G  ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

In  this  huge  though  leaky  hall  the  delegates 
began  to  assemble  at  1 1  o'clock  in  the  morning 
of  June  2ist,  and  ere  long  the  immense  building 
was  well  filled  with  delegates  and  spectators. 

After  prayer  by  the  Rev.  John  Ronso,  the  busi 
ness  of  the  Convention  began  in  the  escorting  to 
the  chair  by  Charles  Jewett,  Thomas  Wilson,  and 
Adlai  E.  Stevenson  of  William  C.  Owens,  of  Ken 
tucky,  who  had  been  chosen  as  temporary  chair 
man.  After  the  applause  which  greeted  his  ap 
pearance  had  subsided,  he  opened  the  Convention 
with  a  brief  speech,  from  which  we  quote  the  most 
significant  passages : 

"  There  are  two  great  dangers  which  menace 
the  Democratic  party — one  is  external,  the  other 
internal ;  the  first  is  the  organized  machinery  of 
organized  capital,  supported  by  the  whole  power 
of  the  government ;  the  second  is  the  tendency 
among  Democrats  to  make  issues  among  them 
selves.  Two  needs,  therefore,  stand  before  us 
indispensable  to  success — unity  and  harmony. 
Of  the  one  this  chair  and  gavel  stand  representa 
tive  ;  it  remains  for  you  to  supply  the  other.  4 *-«;•;, 

41  We  can  succeed ;  we  must  do  more,  we  must 
deserve  success.  Above  the  wreck,  if  need  be, 
of  selfish  combinations  we  must  rear  a  temple  to 
the  plain  people  and  build  a  shrine  so  broad  that 
every  lover  of  his  kind  may  kneel.  The  burden 
must  be  lifted  from  the  back  of  toil,  and  to  that 
end  it  has  a  right  to  demand  that  whoever  bears 


CONVENTION  OF  1892.  -  -  - 

our  banner  must  lift  it  above  the  smoke  of  con 
flict  and  the  din  of  action,  that  every  Democrat  of 
the  Union  may  follow  its  lead  in  exultant  and  in 
irresistible  combat.  Let  us  not  mistake.  The 
gravity  of  the  situation  demands  the  broadest  pa 
triotism  and  every  needful  sacrifice.  Our  work 
but  begins  here.  Under  the  suns  of  summer  and 
the  frosts  of  autumn  we  must  carry  it  forward 
with  unfaltering  courage  to  a  triumphant  close." 

The  remaining  business  of  the  first  session  was 
the  appointment  of  Committees  on  Credentials, 
Rules  and  Order  of  Business,  Permanent  Organi 
zation,  and  Resolutions,  after  which  Mr.  Cable,  of 
Illinois,  offered  a  resolution  of  sympathy  with 
"  that  distinguished  American,  James  G.  Elaine, 
in  the  heavy  affliction  which  has  befallen  him  " — 
the  death  of  his  son.  This  resolution  was  re 
ceived  with  applause  and  passed  unanimously, 
the  Convention  then  adjourning. 

The  second  day's  session  began  at  11.30  on 
Wednesday  morning  by  a  prayer  from  Rev.  W. 
F.  H.  Henry,  of  Chicago.  While  waiting  for  re 
ports  from  the  committees  the  Convention  was 
addressed  by  Senator  Palmer,  of  Illinois,  in  a 
pleasant  vein  that  put  the  audience  in  excellent 
humor.  "Select  a  solid,  firm  Democrat  for  this 
contest,  put  the  banner  in  his  hand,  and  then 
rally  about  him/'  he  concluded. 

The  Committee  on  Credentials  now  appeared, 
with  a  unanimous  report ;  after  which  the  Com- 


„  *  6  CL A'  /  '/•; /, .  /  .  VA 

mittee  on  Permanent  Organization  reported  the 
name  of  William  L.  Wilson,  of  West  Virginia,  for 
Permanent  Chairman,  S.  P.  Sheerin,  of  Wisconsin, 
for  Permanent  Secretary,  and  a  list  of  names  for 
the  other  officials  of  the  Convention.  Mr.  Wilson 
was  escorted  to  the  platform  by  a  committee  ap 
pointed  for  that  purpose.  After  the  applause 
which  greeted  his  appearance  had  subsided,  he 
arose  and  addressed  the  assembly. 

Mr.  Wilson  began  his  speech  by  thanking  the 
delegates  for  the  honor  they  had  done  him. 
"This  Convention,"  he  went  on  to  say,  "  has  a 
high  and  patriotic  work  to  perform.  We  owe 
much  to  our  party;  we  owe  much  to  our  country. 
The  mission  of  the  Democratic  party  is  to  fight 
for  the  under  dog.  When  that  party  is  out  of 
power  we  may  be  sure  there  is  an  under  dog  to 
fight  for,  and  that  the  under  dog  is  generally  the 
American  people.  Never  was  this  truth  brought 
home  to  us  more  defiantly  than  by  the  recent 
convention  at  Minneapolis.  We  are  not  de 
ceived  as  to  the  temper,  we  are  not  in  doubt  as 
to  the  purpose  of  our  opponents.  Having  taxed 
us  for  years  without  excuse  and  without  mercy 
they  now  propose  to  disarm  us  of  further  power 
to  resist  their  exactions." 

The  Chairman  next  alluded  to  the  question  of 
tariff  and  taxation,  the  latter  of  which  he  desig 
nated  as  the  question  around  which  all  the  great 
battles  of  freedom  have  been  fought.  The  Re- 


CONVENTION  OF  iS92. 

publican  idea  of  reciprocity  he  stigmatized  as 
retaliation,  and  retaliation  on  our  own  people. 
The  Democratic  party,  he  added,  is  for  the  pro 
tection  that  protects  and  for  reciprocity  that  re 
ciprocates. 

"  It  is  not  for  me,"  he  said  in  conclusion,  "  to 
attempt  to  foreshadow  what  your  choice  should 
or  ought  to  be  in  the  selection  of  your  candidates. 
One  thing  only  I  venture  to  say.  Whoever  may 
be  your  chosen  leader  in  this  campaign  no  tele 
gram  will  flash  across  the  sea  from  the  castle  of 
absent  tariff  lords  to  congratulate  him.  But  from 
the  home  of  labor,  from  the  fireside  of  the  toiler, 
from  the  hearts  of  all  who  love  justice  and  equity, 
will  come  up  prayers  for  his  success  and  recruits 
for  the  great  Democratic  host  that  must  strike 
down  the  beast  of  sectionalism  and  the  Moloch 
of  monopoly  before  we  can  have  ever  again  a 
people's  government  run  by  a  people's  faithful 
representatives." 

The  remaining  business  of  the  session  was 
brief.  The  Committee  on  Resolutions  was  not 
yet  ready  to  report.  The  report  of  the  Commit 
tee  on  Rules  was  received,  the  unit  rule  of  voting 
being  retained  ;  a  gavel  of  zinc  was  presented  to 
the  Convention  from  the  miners  of  Missouri ;  the 
names  of  the  members  of  the  National  Committee 
were  presented ;  and  the  Convention  adjourned, 
to  meet  again  at  5  o'clock  that  afternoon. 


LIFE  OF  G  ROVER  CLEVELAND. 


THE    PLATFORM. 

It  was  5.35  P.  M.  when  the  duties  of  the  Con 
vention  were  resumed,  by  a  prayer  from  Rev. 
Thomas  Reed,  of  Cedar  Rapids,  Iowa.  At  6.24, 
Charles  H.  Jones,  of  Missouri,  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions,  announced  that  the 
report  of  the  committee  was  ready.  At  his  request 
ex-Secretary  Vilas  read  the  report  to  the  Con 
vention.  It  opened  as  follows  : 

"The  representatives  of  the  Democratic  party 
of  the  United  States,  in  national  convention 
assembled,  do  reaffirm  their  allegiance  to  the 
principles  of  the  party  as  formulated  by  Jefferson, 
and  exemplified  by  the  long  and  illustrious  line  of 
his  successors  in  Democratic  leadership,  from 
Madison  to  Cleveland." 

It  went  on  to  denounce  the  centralizing  tendency 
of  the  Government,  with  its  menace  to  the  reserved 
rights  of  the  States,  and  spoke  as  follows  of  the 
"Force  Bill:" 

"We  warn  the  people  of  our  common  country, 
jealous  for  the  preservation  of  their  free  institu 
tions,  that  the  policy  of  Federal  control  of  elec 
tions,  to  which  the  Republican  party  has  committed 
itself,  is  fraught  with  the  gravest  dangers,  scarcely 
less  momentous  than  would  result  from  a  revolu 
tion,  practically  establishing  monarchy  on  the  ruins 
of  the  Republic.  It  strikes  at  the  North  as  well 
as  the  South,  and  injures  the  colored  citizens  even 
more  than  the  whites.  It  means  a  horde  of  Dep- 


CONVENTION  OF  1892. 

uty  Marshals  at  every  polling  place  armed  with 
Federal  power.  Returning  Boards  appointed 
and  controlled  by  Federal  authority,  the  outrage 
of  the  electoral  rights  of  the  people  in  the  several 
States,  the  subjugation  of  the  colored  people  to 
the  control  of  the  party  in  power  and  the  reviving 
of  race  antagonisms,  now  happily  abated:  of  the 
utmost  peril  to  the  safety  and  happiness  of  all ; 
a  measure  deliberately  and  justly  described  by  a 
leading  Republican  Senator  as  the  'most  infa 
mous  bill  that  ever  crossed  the  threshold  of  the 
Senate/  " 

Such  a  policy,  it  declared,  meant  the  perpetual 
dominance  of  an  oligarchy  of  office-holders  ;  it 
had  been  emphatically  condemned  in  1890,  at  the 
polls,  yet  the  Republican  party  had  reiterated  its 
intention  to  support  it. 

In  regard  to  the  question  of  the  tariff,  the  report 
declared  that  Government  necessity  was  the  only 
justification  for  taxation,  and  that  any  customs 
charge  more  than  sufficient  to  cover  the  difference 
in  cost  of  labor  here  and  abroad  was  unjust  and 
oppressive  to  workingmen.  It  denounced  the 
McKinley  bill  as  an  atrocity  of  class  legislation, 
and  demanded  a  revision  of  the  tariff  law,  stating 
that  "  in  making  reductions  in  taxation  it  is  not 
proposed  to  injure  any  domestic  industries,  but 
rather  to  promote  their  health  growth.  .  .  .  Many 
industries  have  come  to  rely  upon  legislation  for 
healthy  continuance,  so  that  any  changes  of  law 


LIFE  OF  GKOTER  CLEVELAND. 

must  be  at  every  step  regardful  of  the  labor  and 
capital  thus  involved." 

The  report  proceeded  to  declare  that  the  oper 
ation  of  the  McKinley  bill  had  been  attended  by 
reduction  of  wages,  dullness  in  trade,  and  distress  ; 
that  after  thirty  years  of  high  tariff  the  homes  and 
farms  of  the  country  were  burdened  with  an 
immense  load  of  debt;  and  stated  that  "We 
denounce  a  policy  which  fosters  no  industry  so 
much  as  it  does  that  of  the  Sheriff." 

It  followed  by  denouncing  the  recent  reciprocity 
scheme  as  a  juggling  sham,  which  pretended  to 
establish  closer  trade  relations  with  agricultural 

o 

countries  by  prohibiting  trade  with  the  countries 
of  the  world  which  stood  ready  to  take  our  entire 
surplus  product,  and  to  send  us  commodities  of 
prime  necessity. 

It  next  declared  that  trusts  and  combinations 
were  a  result  of  prohibitive  taxes,  and  that  their 
evils  could  and  should  be  controlled  and  removed 
by  law.  As  regards  the  public  lands,  they  had  been 
given  away  freely  by  the  Republican  party  to 
railroads  and  non-settlers.  This  policy  had  been 
reversed  by  the  Democratic  administration,  which 
had  reclaimed  nearly  100,000,000  acres  of  such 
unwise  donations.  This  policy  was  to  be  contin 
ued  until  every  acre  unlawfully  held  should  be 
restored  to  the  people. 

On  the  subject  of  coinage,  the  report  spoke 
with  unhesitating  freedom,  saying : 


CONVENTION  OF  1892. 

"We  denounce  the  Republican  legislation 
known  as  the  Sherman  act  of  1890  as  a  cowardly 
makeshift,  fraught  with  possibilities  of  danger  in 
the  future,  which  should  make  all  of  its  support 
ers,  as  well  as  its  author,  anxious  for  its  speedy 
repeal.  We  hold  to  the  use  of  both  gold  and 
silver  as  the  standard  money  of  the  country,  and 
to  the  coinage  of  both  gold  and  silver  without 
discriminating  against  either  metal  or  charge  for 
mintage,  but  the  dollar  unit  of  coinage  of  both 
metals  must  be  of  equal  intrinsic  and  exchange 
able  value  or  be  adjusted  through  international 
agreement  or  by  such  safeguards  of  legislation  as 
shall  insure  the  maintenance  of  the  parity  of  the 
two  metals  and  the  equal  power  of  every  dollar 
at  all  times  in  the  markets  and  in  the  payment 
of  debts  ;  and  we  demand  that  all  paper  currency 
shall  be  kept  at  par  with  and  redeemable  in  such 
coin.  We  insist  upon  this  policy  as  especially 
necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  farmers  and 
laboring  classes,  the  first  and  most  defenceless 
victims  of  unstable  money  and  a  fluctuating  cur 
rency." 

The  policy  of  Civil  Service  Reform  was  next 
advocated,  and  the  system  under  which  Federal 
office-holders  can  usurp  control  of  party  conven 
tions  was  denounced,  the  Democratic  party  being 
pledged  to  the  reform  of  all  such  abuses.  The 
report  went  on  to  declare  that  the  Democratic 
party  was  the  only  one  that  had  given  the  coun- 


2  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

try  a  foreign  policy  that  compelled  respect  abroad 
and  inspired  confidence  at  home.  It  favored  the 
maintenance  of  a  navy  strong  enough  for  all  pur- 
.poses  of  national  defence,  and,  while  stating  that 
this  country  had  always  been  the  refuge  of  the 
oppressed,  and  its  people  in  sympathy  with  the 
oppressed  of  every  land,  opposed  indiscriminate 
immigration,  saying: 

"  We  heartily  approve  all  legitimate  efforts  to 
prevent  the  United  States  from  being  used  as  the 
dumping  ground  for  the  known  criminals  and 
professional  paupers  of  Europe,  and  we  demand 
the  rigid  enforcement  of  the  laws  against  Chinese 
immigration  or  the  importation  of  foreign  work 
men  under  contract  to  degrade  American  labor 
and  lessen  its  wages,  but  we  condemn  and  de 
nounce  any  and  all  attempts  to  restrict  the  im 
migration  of  the  industrious  and  worthy  of  foreign 
lands." 

Other  planks  of  the  platform  favored  just  and 
liberal  pensions  to  disabled  Union  soldiers,  their 
widows  and  dependents  ;  the  improvement  of  the 
Mississippi  and  other  important  waterways;  the 
early  construction  and  protection  against  foreign 
control  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal  ;  the  support  by 
Congress  of  the  World's  Columbian  Exposition  ; 
the  liberal  support  of  education;  the  admission 
of  all  Territories  which  have  the  necessary  popur 
lation  and  resources  ;  legislation  to  protect  rail 
way  employees  ;  the  enactment  of  laws  to  abolish 


CONVENTION  OF  1892.  -,- 

the  sweating  system,  contract  convict  labor,  and 
the  employment  in  factories  of  children ;  and  con 
cluded  in  the  following  words  : 

"  Upon  this  statement  of  principles  and  poli 
cies  the  Democratic  party  asks  the  intelligent 
judgment  of  the  American  people.  It  asks  a 
change  of  administration  and  a  change  of  party 
in  order  that  there  may  be  a  change  of  system 
and  a  change  of  methods,  thus  assuring  main 
tenance  unimpaired  of  the  institutions  under 
which  the  republic  has  grown  great  and  power- 

ful." 

On  the  completion  of  the   reading,   the  tariff 

plank  of  the  platform  was  excepted  to  by  Dele 
gate  Neal,  of  Ohio,  who  moved  to  substitute  a 
resolution  which  denounced  the  McKinley  bill  as  a 
fraud  and  a  scheme  of  robbery,  and  declared  that 
the  Government  had  no  right  to  impose  a  tax  ex 
cept  for  revenue.  This  motion  called  forth  a  lively 
debate,  but  it  was  finally  carried  by  a  large  ma 
jority,  the  Convention  establishing  itself  firmly  on 
the  policy  of  a  tariff  for  revenue  only.  A  free 
coinage  plank  was  next  proposed,  but  was  voted 
down,  and  the  platform  as  amended  was  adopted. 

THE  NOMINATIONS. 

The  next  business  before  the  Convention  was 
the  nomination  of  candidates  for  the  Presidency. 
There  was  but  little  doubt  by  this  time  as  to  who 
would  be  the  nominee,  and  when  Governor 


LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

Abbett,  of  New  Jersey,  took  the  stand  for  the 
purpose  of  nominating  Cleveland,  the  roar  of  ap 
plause  that  broke  out  could  not  be  stilled  for  a 
full  half-hour.  It  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty 
that  he  succeeded  in  completing  his  remarks  on 
the  subject,  which  ended  in  the  following  appre 
ciative  words  : 

"The  thundering  echoes  of  this  Convention, 
announcing  the  nomination  of  Grover  Cleveland, 
will  not  have  died  out  over  the  hills  and  through 
the  valleys  of  this  land  before  you  will  hear  and 
see  all  our  leaders  rallying  to  the  support  of  our 
candidate.  It  is  because  he  has  crystallized  into  a 
living  issue  the  great  principle  upon  which  this 
battle  is  to  be  fought  out.  If  he  did  not  create 
tariff  reform  he  made  it  a  Presidential  issue.  He 
vitalized  it,  and  presented  it  to  our  party  as  the 
issue  for  which  we  ought  to  fight  and  continue  to 
battle  until  upon  it  victory  is  assured.  There  are 
few  men  in  his  position  who  would  have  the  cour 
age  to  boldly  make  the  issue,  and  present  it  so 
clearly  and  forcibly  as  he  did  in  his  great  message 
of  1.887, 

"  I  believe  that  his  policy  then  was  to  force  a 
national  issue  which  would  appeal  to  the  judgment 
of  the  people.  We  must  honor  a  man  who  is 
honest  enough  and  bold  enough  under  such  cir- 

C>  <> 

cumstances,  to  proclaim  that  the  success  of  the 
party  upon  principle  is  better  than  evasion  or 
shirking  of  true  national  issues  for  temporary 


CONVENTION  OF  iSgi.  -,  * 

success.  The  Democracy  of  New  Jersey  there 
fore  presents  to  this  Convention,  in  this  the  peo 
ple's  year,  the  nominee  of  the  people,  the  plain, 
blunt,  honest  citizen,  the  idol  of  the  Democratic 
masses — Grover  Cleveland." 

He  was  followed  by  W.  C.  De  Witt,  of  New 
York,  who  nominated  David  B.  Hill.  Governor 
Boies,  of  Iowa,  was  nominated  by  John  F.  Dun- 
combe.  By  the  time  the  Convention  was  ready 
to  ballot,  more  than  ten  hours  had  passed,  and 
it  was  3.30  A.  M.  when  the  result  of  the  first  ballot 
was  announced.  It  was  what  had  been  anticipated. 
Cleveland  had  a  clear  majority  over  the  necessary 
two-thirds  vote,  and  on  the  motion  of  Mr.  Upshur, 
of  Maryland,  seconded  by  Governor  Flower,  of 
New  York,  the  nomination  was  made  unanimous, 
and  the  Convention  adjourned  till  2  P.  M.,  after  a 
session  that  had  lasted  the  entire  night. 

The  final  session  was  a  brief  one.  Adlai  E. 
Stevenson,  of  Illinois,  was  nominated  for  Vice- 
President  on  the  first  ballot,  and  the  Convention 
adjourned  sine  die,  having  completed  its  work. 


A  BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH 


OF 


ADLAI   E.  STEVENSON, 

ASSISTANT  POST-MASTER  GENERAL 

AND 

DEMOCRATIC  NOMINEE  FOR  VICE-PRESIDENT  OF 
THE  UNITED  STATES,  1892. 


HON.  ADLAI  E.  STEVENSON. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE    OFFICE    OF  VICE-PRESIDENT. 

IN  the  Federal  Convention  of  "our  wise  an 
cestors,"  who  framed  that  Constitution  under 
which,  with  slight  changes,  the  Government 
has  been  administered  successfully  for  more  than 
a  century,  the  office  of  President,  as  it  now  exists, 
and  the  mode  of  filling  it,  were  not  created  and 
adopted  without  serious  variances  of  opinion  and 
repeated  changes  of  plan. 

In  the  article  on  President  and  Vice-President, 
as  finally  adopted,  it  was  provided  that  each  elec 
tor  could  vote  for  two  persons  as  his  choice  for 
President  without  expressing  any  preference  or 
distinction.  The  failure  of  any  candidate  to 
receive  a  clear  majority  of  all  the  votes  cast,  or  a 
tie  resulting  between  the  highest  two  candidates, 
each  with  a  majority — events  not  unlikely  to  occur 
in  the  manifold  political  divisions  of  that  day — was 
provided  for  by  the  regulation  that  the  House  of 
Representatives,  voting  by  States,  should  make, 
choice  between  the  two  tied,  or  among  the  highest 
five  of  whom  none  had  received  a  majority.  The 
same  article  provided,  however,  that  after  the 
choice  of  President,  the  next  highest  electoral 
vote  should  designate  the  Vice-President;  and 

351 


^  c  0  L IFE  OF  AD  LA  IE.  STEl  'EX 

only  in  the  event  of  a  tie  should  the  election  to 
that  office  be  referred  to  Congress,  and  then  to 
the  Senate,  voting  individually,  and  not  to  the  pop 
ular  branch  nor  to  a  vote  by  States. 

To  the  office  of  Vice-President  itself,  created 
rather  grudgingly,  objection  was  made.  "  Such 
an  officer  as  Vice-President,"  said  Williamson,  "  is 
not  wanted."  Says  Bancroft :  "  To  make  an  ex 
cuse  for  his  existence  the  Convention  decreed  that 
he  should  be  President  of  the  Senate."  The 
peculiar  powers,  duties,  and  significance  of  it  have 
always  been  more  or  less  the  subject  of  conten 
tion.  John  Adams,  the  first  Vice-President,  said  to 
the  Senate  :  "  Gentlemen,  I  do  not  know  whether 
the  framers  of  the  Constitution  had  in  view  the  two 
Kings  of  Sparta,  the  two  Consuls  of  Rome,  or  the 
two  Suffetes  of  Carthage  when  they  formed  it — the 
one  to  have  all  the  power  while  he  held  it,  and  the 
other  to  be  nothing.  Gentlemen,  I  feel  great 
difficulty  how  to  act.  I  am  possessed  of  two 
separate  powers — the  one  in  esse,  the  other  in  posse. 
I  am  Vice-President.  In  this  I  am  nothing,  but  I 
may  be  everything.  But  I  am  President  also  of 
the  Senate.  When  the  President  comes  into  the 
Senate  what  shall  I  be  ?  I  wish,  gentleman,  to 
think  what  I  shall  be."  Years  ago  the  Senate 
took  away  from  the  Vice-President  and  assumed 
for  itself  the  power  to  appoint  the  working  com 
mittees  of  that  body;  and  except  to  preside-  in  the 
Senate,  and  cast  the  deciding  vote  in  case  of  a  tie 


THE  OFFICE  OF  VICE-PRESIDENT. 

it  has  been  left  to  the  Vice-President  only  to 
await  the  contingency  pointed  out  by  that  section 
of  the  Federal  Constitution,  which  says,  "  In  case 
of  the  removal  of  the  President  from  office,  or  of 
his  death,  resignation,  or  inability  to  discharge  the 
powers  and  duties  of  the  said  office,  the^same 
shall  devolve  on  the  Vice-President,  and  the 
Congress  may  by  law  provide  *  for  the  case  of 
removal,  death,  resignation,  or  inability,  both  of 
the  President  and  Vice-President,  declaring  what 
officer  shall  then  act  as  President,  and  such  officer 
shall  act  accordingly,  until  the  disability  be  re 
moved,  or  a  President  shall  be  elected." 

Under  the  original  scheme  of  the  Constitution 
as  framed  by  its  authors,  John  Adams  being  the 
second  choice  of  a  majority  of  the  Electoral 
College  for  President,  both  at  the  first  and  sec 
ond  elections  of  Washington,  became  the  Vice- 
President,  although  George  Clinton,  Republican, 
received  50  electoral  votes  in  1782,  to  77  for 
Adams.  In  the  sharply  contested  struggle  of 
i  796,  Thomas  Jefferson  came  within  two  votes  of 
the  Presidency,  and  receiving  more  votes  than  the 
Federalist  candidate  for  Vice-President,  he  was 
chosen  to  the  second  place  in  an  administration 
of  which  the  Chief  was  his  political  antagonist. 

It  was  not  until  after  the  treachery  of  Aaron 
Burr,  in  1801,  forcing  a  tie  vote  between  him  and 

*  Congress  has  recently  provided  that  in    such   cases  the  Secretary  of 
State  shall  act  as  President  pending  the  new  election. 


Lfl'E  OF  AD  LA  I  E.  STKrENSO:\~. 

his  Chief  in  the  Electoral  College,  had  opened 
ttie  eyes  of  the  people  to  the  danger  of  their  real 
choice  being  obstructed  by  the  uncertain  machin 
ery  of  that  cumbersome  device,  that  such  change 
was  made  in  the  plan  of  electing  the  President 
and  Vice-President  as  tended  to  more  directly 
secure  the  real  expression  of  the  popular  will. 
By  the  Twelfth  Amendment,  proposed  by  Con 
gress  in  1803  and  promptly  ratified  by  the  States, 
it  was  prescribed  that  henceforth  electors  should 
designate  distinctly  their  one  choice  for  President 
and  for  Vice-President ;  that  "  the  person  having 
the  greatest  number  of  votes  as  Vice-President 
shall  be  the  Vice-President,  if  such  number  be  a 
majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  ap 
pointed  ;  and  if  no  person  have  a  majority,  then 
from  the  two  highest  numbers  on  the  list  the 
Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice-President ;  a  quorum 
for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two-thirds  of  the 
whole  number  of  Senator's,  and  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice." 
By  the  same  Amendment  an  oversight  of  the 
original  instrument  was  corrected  in  the  enact 
ment  that  "  no  person  constitutionally  ineligible 
to  the  office  of  President  shall  be  eligible  to  that 
of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States." 

Burr,  of  course,  failed  of  re-election  to  the 
Vice-Presidency ;  under  Jefferson's  second  ad 
ministration  and  in  the  first  of  Madison's  terms 
George  Clinton  brought  to  the  Vice-Presidency 


THE  OFFICE  OF  VICE-PRESIDENT.  orr 

an  honored  name,  worth,  and  fit  dignity.  Elbridge 
Gerry,  elected  Vice-President  to  Madison,  died 
suddenly  in  the  second  year  of  his  term  ;  Daniel 
D.  Tompkins,  who  went  into  office  and  out  of  it 
with  Monroe,  in  the  uneventful  era  of  good  feel 
ing,  was  a  more  conspicuous  statesman  before 
than  after  he  became  Vice-President ;  John  C. 
Calhoun,  previously  distinguished  as  a  Represen 
tative,  and  by  brilliant  Cabinet  service,  became 
Vice-President  by  the  mutual  consent  of  the  fierce 
Adams  and  Jackson  factions  in  the  electoral  strug 
gle  of  1824,  but  differed  almost  throughout 
his  administration  from  President  John  Quincy 
Adams,  and  was  an  active  party  to  the  combina 
tion  which  defeated  him. 

Personal  and  political  alienation  and  a  revival 
of  the  old  troubles  between  Monroe's  War  Secre 
tary  and  the  chief  captain  of  the  Seminole  War 
soon  produced  a  far  more  violent  rupture  between 
Jackson  and  Calhoun  than  had  ever  occurred 
between  Adams  and  Calhoun,  ensuing  in  the  lat- 
ter's  resignation  of  the  Vice-Presidency  and  his 
antagonism  of  Van  Buren.  Then  followed  Van 
Buren's  own  political  ascendency,  first  as  Vice- 
President,  then  as  President,  to  be  succeeded  by 
his  defeat,  even  after  Calhoun  had  become  recon 
ciled  to  his  support. 

Richard  M.  Johnson,  the  Van  Buren  candidate 
for  Vice-President,  failed  of  election  in  the  Elect- 
oral  College;  he  only  received  147  electoral  votes, 


356  LIFE  OF  ADLAI  E.  STE  I'EXSO.V. 

while  his  Chief  had  1 70,  the  number  necessary  to 
a  choice  being  148. 

The  election  being  referred  to  the  Senate, 
Johnson  was  chosen  by  33  votes  to  16  for  Francis 
Granger,  the  highest  Whig  candidate. 

During  the  first  thirteen  Presidential  terms, 
covering  the  period  from  1789  to  1841,  none  of 
the  eight  Presidents  died,  resigned,  or  had  been 
impeached,  and  no  one  of  the  twelve  persons  who 
within  that  period  had  acted  as  Vice-Presidents 
had  ever  succeeded  to  the  higher  place.  That 
experience  came  to  the  country  early  in  the  ad 
ministration  of  Harrison,  who  died  after  a  month 
in  office,  and  John  Tyler  became  his  successor. 
His  choice  as  a  candidate  on  the  Whig  ticket  of 
1840  had  been  directed  by  a  desire  to  secure  the 
support  of  an  element  different  from  that  which 
was  rallied  by  Harrison's  name  ;  and  Tyler's  de 
fection  from  Whig  principles  and  policies,  which 
might  have  been  reasonably  expected,  called  forth 
for  him  bitter  denunciation  from  his  late  sup 
porters  and  added  the  word  "  Tylerize  "  to  our 
political  nomenclature.  John  Tyler's  estrange 
ment  from  the  party  which  made  Harrison  Presi 
dent  ought  to  have  taught  the  politicians  that  they 
had  not,  by  the  policy  pursued  in  the  selections 
they  made  for  Vice -President,  avoided  the  dangers 
which  it  had  been  sought  to  obviate  by  the  con 
stitutional  amendment  of  1803.  But  the  lesson 
has  not  always  been  heeded.  Since  1841  it  hap- 


THE  OFFICE  OF  VICE-PRESIDEXT. 

pened,  within  a  period  no  longer  than  the  space 
of  a  generation,  that  three  Vice-Presidents  suc 
ceeded  to  vacancies  caused  by  death  ;  none*  of 
them  united  his  party  in  support  of  his  adminis 
tration,  nor  attained  by  election  the  office  to 
which  he  came  by  accident  though  all  aspired  to 
it. 

Fillmore  was  chosen  Vice-President  by  the  same 
electors  who  made  Taylor  President,  but  his 
signature  to  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  approved 
by  a  vote  of  227  to  60  in  the  next  National  Con 
vention  of  his  party,  lost  him  a  renomination. 
William  R.  King's  long  career  of  usefulness  and 
distinction  was  crowned  with  election  to  the  Vice- 
Presidency,  and  a  graceful  grant  by  Congress 
gave  him  permission  to  take  the  oath  of  office  in 
Cuba,  where,  on  March  4th,  1853,  he  was  sojourn 
ing  for  his  health. 

John  C.  Breckenridge's  name  was  a  fit  one  to 
be  associated  with  any  Democratic  candidate 
and  to  be.  honored  by  election  in  1856.  He 
was  the  nominee  of  one  wing  of  his  party, 
in  its  fatal  dissensions  of  1860,  for  the  highest 
place.  HamlirTs  defeat  for  renomination,  in  1864, 
was  due  to  a  spirit  of  concession  to  the  Southern 
Loyalists,  and  resulted  in  the  Johnson  succession 
to  the  murdered  Lincoln,  with  all  the  train  of 
political  complications  that  followed.  Colfax's  de 
feat  for  renomination  as  Vice-President  with 
Grant  is  ascribed  to  the  hostility  of  the  newspaper 


<*  r  g  L IFE  OF  ADI.  A I  K.  S TE  VE NSON. 

correspondents,  whose  righteous  wrath  he  had 
provoked.  Mr.  Wheeler  "glided  through  the 
official  routine  "  of  Hayes'  term  to  be  submerged 
by  the  obscurity  which  settled  upon  the  whole  of 
that  administration  ;  while  Arthur  shared  the  fate 
of  Fillmore — in  seeing  his  policy  almost  unan 
imously  indorsed  by  his  party  and  himself  rejected 
by  that  dominant  faction  which  had  chosen  the 
head  of  the  ticket  in  1880,  and  completed  it  with 
a  view  to  reconcile  the  disappointed  elements  of 
the  Convention,  having  no  thought  to  the  re 
mote  contingency  of  the  Presidential  succession. 
Since  John  C.  Calhoun's  day  no  Vice-President 
has  ever  been  re-elected,  and  no  man  who  became 
President  by  succession  has  been  subsequently 
elected  to  the  office. 

Mr.  Hendricks,  elected  Vice-President  in  Mr. 
Cleveland's  first  term  of  office,  died  in  office  on 
March  4th,  1885.  ^e  was  succeeded  by  the  Hon. 
John  Sherman  as  President  of  the  Senate,  and 
Acting  Vice-President.  Sherman  was  succeeded 
in  1889  by  Hon.  John  J.  Ingalls. 


CHAPTER  II. 

EARLY    DAYS    AND    BUSINESS    LIFE. 

ADLAI  E.  STEVENSON  comes  from  that 
shrewd  and  sturdy  Scotch-Irish  stock 
which  has  added  so  much  to  the  brain 
and  brawn  of  our  country.  His  father  was  born 
at  Mecklenburg,  N.  C.,  a  town  famous  for  having 
issued  the  first  Declaration  of  Independence 
in  this  country.  This  memorable  document, 
proclaimed  on  May  2oth,  1775,  more  than  a 
year  before  the  Fourth  of  July  Declaration,  is 
said  to  have  been  prepared  and  promulgated 
by  the  great-granduncle  of  the  subject  of  our 
sketch.  From  Mecklenburg  Mr.  Stevenson's 
father  made  his  way  westward,  and  settled  in 
Christian  County,  in  southwestern  Kentucky, 
where  he  became  a  farmer  in  a  small  way.  Here 
his  son  Adlai  was  born  on  the  23d  of  October, 
1835,  and  between  boyish  labors  on  the  paternal 
farm,  boyish  pranks,  and  sports  in  that  then 
thinly-settled  country,  and  such  schooling  as  could 
be  had  in  the  rude  country  school  of  that  date  and 
locality,  passed  his  life  until  he  reached  the  age 
of  1 5.  He  was  then  a  well-grown  and  handsome 
lad,  with  a  fair  education,  considering  his  limited 
opportunities,  and  with  evidence  of  that  ambition 

359 


360  LIFE  OF  ADLAI  E.  STEVENSON. 

and  ability  which  were  destined  to  bring  him  into 
his  future  prominence  in  our  national  councils. 

In  1852,  when  the  future  legislator  was  in  his 
1 5th  year,  his  father  decided  to  try  his  fortunes 
in  the  then  rapidly-growing  State  of  Illinois,  and 
removed  to  Bloomington,  in  that  State,  then  a 
town  of  no  great  dimensions  or  importance,  now 
a  city  of  over  20,000  population.  In  Kentucky 
Mr.  Stevenson  had  been  a  slaveholder  to  a  small 
extent.  He  was  a  poor  man,  and  the  sale  of  his 
few  slaves  would  have  been  of  much  importance 
to  him  in  his  new  venture  in  life.  Yet,  setting 
aside  questions  of  pecuniary  profit  for  what  seemed 
to  him  the  demands  of  duty  and  human  right,  he 
gave  freedom  to  his  slaves,  and  with  light  pocket 
but  satisfied  conscience  set  out  in  search  of  a  new 
home  afar. 

In  those  days  the  railroad  had  not  penetrated 
to  that  region  of  the  far  West,  and  the  emigrants 
had  to  make  their  northward  way,  with  their 
slender  store  of  household  goods  and  treasures, 
by  wagon.  The  journey,  which  now  would  be  a 
matter  of  part  of  a  day,  then  took  three  long 
weeks,  young  Stevenson  driving  one  of  the  wagons. 
No  doubt  this  weary  trip  was  attended  by  its  fair 
share  of  hardship  and  adventure,  for  the  roads  of 
that  clay  must  have  been,  in  part,  little  more  than 
blazed  forest  tracks,  while  the  rude  farm  wagons 
were  not  insured  against  break-down  accidents, 
nor  the  travelers  against  troubles  by  field  and  fell. 


EARL  Y  DA  YS  AND  BUSINESS  LIFE. 

The  family  cavalcade  reached  Bloomington  in 
the  month  of  June,  1852.  Here  the  elder  Steven 
son  engaged  in  the  milling  business,  while  his  son, 
feeling  that  the  time  had  come  for  his  life-work  to 
commence,  began  work  at  once,  at  the  not  light 
labor  of  hauling  logs.  These  were  brought  from 
a  piece  of  woodland  known  as  "  Blooming  Grove," 
a  locality  which  now  forms  a  large  part  of  the  city 
of  Bloom  in  of  ton. 

£5 

But  the  ambitious  youth  was  not  one  to  settle 
down  to  a  life  work  in  the  useful  but  humble  duty 
of  hauling  logs.  His  view  of  life  looked  forward 
to  a  goal  in  which  log-roiling  was  likely  to  be  still 
a  favorite  occupation,  though  not  one  in  which  he 
had  any  desire  to  take  part.  With  an  earnest 
desire  to  improve  himself  mentally,  he  worked 
early  and  late  in  summer,  and  in  the  winter  taught 
public  school,  availing  himself  of  his  somewhat 
sparse  Kentucky  education  to  advance  the  educa 
tional  interests  of  Illinois. 

His  ardent  desire  was  to  attend  college,  and  to 
this  his  unflagging  efforts  were  directed.  Bloom 
ington  possessed  an  educational  institution  of 
some  importance,  the  Wesleyan  University  of 
Illinois.  Here,  the  ambitious  youth  entered  him 
self  as  a  student,  and  obtained  his  first  acquaint 
ance  with  the  higher  branches  of  study.  His 
teaching  brought  him  in  an  income  of  thirty  dol 
lars  a  month,  with  the  privilege  of  boarding  round 
among  the  patrons  of  the  school,  then  the  pre- 


OF  A D LA  !  E'  S TE  ]  ' 

fashion  in  frontier  settlements,  and  one  in 
which  the  poor  schoolmaster  often  found  lenten 
fare  and  rough  accommodations,  though  usually  a 
warm  welcome  to  soften  them. 

It  may  be  seen  that  young  Stevenson's  life  was 
not  passed  on  a  bed  of  roses.  His  father  was  in 
moderate  circumstances,  and  while  in  sympathy 
with  his  son's  effort  to  obtain  an  education,  was 
not  able  to  give  him  personal  aid.  The  world  lay 
before  him  ;  he  must  work  his  own  way  through 
it.  Wesleyan  University,  despite  its  high-sound 
ing  title,  did  not  offer  the  opportunities  for  an 
advanced  education  which  the  aspiring  youth 
desired.  It  was,  moreover,  a  Methodist  institu 
tion.  His  family  were  all  Presbyterian,  and  he 
had  been  brought  up  in  the  Presbyterian  Church. 
For  this  reason,  he  had  fixed  his  desires  on  the 
famous  Presbyterian  institution  known  as  Centre 
College,  of  Danville,  Ky.,  for  the  completion 
of  his  education.  With  this  in  view,  he  saved  all 
he  could  out  of  his  slender  income,  and  was  ena 
bled  to  inscribe  his  name  on  the  roll  of  pupils  of 
this  well-known  institution.  He  obtained  board 
in  the  town  at  $2.50  per  week,  all  that  his  small 
store  of  money  would  admit  of  his  paying,  and 
went  at  his  studies  with  an  energy  and  determi 
nation  to  succeed  which  made  small  light  of  poverty 
and  discouragement.  Centre  College  then  con 
tained  many  students  of  future  note.  Among  his 
classmates  were  :  W.  C.  Breckenridge,  John 


EARL  Y  DA  YS  AATD  BUSINESS  LIFE. 


363 


Young  Brown,  Thomas  D.  Crittenden,  the  after 
ward  Senators  Blackburn  and  Davidson,  and 
Governor  McCreery,  with  other  men  destined 
to  win  their  way  to  fame. 

Of  Mr.  Stevenson's  college  life  we  have  few 
particulars  to  relate.  He  joined  the  College 
Society  of  Phi  Delta  Theta — of  which  President 
Harrison  is  also  a  member — studied  with  ardent 
enthusiasm,  and  made  himself  a  name  as  one  of 
the  most  earnest  and  able  students  of  the  institu 
tion.  At  the  completion  of  the  last  year  of  his 
attendance  at  college  he  was  at  the  head  of  his 
class,  and  would,  no  doubt,  have  graduated  with 
high  honors  after  a  year  more  of  study,  had  not 
his  college  life  been  brought  to  a  sudden  termina 
tion.  His  graduating  year  would  have  been  1856, 
but  he  was  called  home  in  1855,  by  the  death  of 
his  father,  and  found  himself  unable  to  return. 
His  father  had  died  a  poor  man,  leaving  no  prop 
erty  but  the  homestead,  and  it  was  necessary  for 
the  young  student  to  end  his  college  career  at 
that  point,  and  enter  at  once  upon  the  practical 
duties  of  life. 

He  was  now  twenty  years  of  age.  Morally 
and  intellectually  alike,  he  had  made  his  mark 
among  his  fellow-students.  His  habits  had  been 
exemplary;  he  did  not  smoke  or  drink,  and  as  a  stu 
dent  had  been  a  remarkably  hard  worker.  Of  his 
college  recreations,  a  principal  portion  had  been 
the  part  he  took  in  the  political  debating  society 

21 


3 64  L 7/'7':  OF  -!/)/--l/  7':-  -v  /7-' ;  7-' WON. 

of  the  students,  in  which  he  gained  his  first  prac 
tice  in  that  exposition  of  Democratic  principles 
bv  which  he  was  to  make  his  mark  in  after  life. 

While  pursuing  his  college  studies,  he  had 
occupied  much  of  his  spare  time  in  reading  law, 
being  loaned  books  for  that  purpose  by  a  lawyer 
friend  he  had  made  in  Danville.  The  law,  in  fact, 
was  the  profession  he  had  chosen  in  his  own 
mind  for  his  future  career,  and  shortly  after  leav 
ing  college  he  entered  the  law  office  of  Hon. 
Robert  T.  Williams,  then  a  lawyer  of  some  note 
in  the  Bloomington  courts.  His  previous  read- 
in^s  now  stood  him  in  £ood  stead,  and  after  a 

d  O 

year  of  industrious  study  he  was  pronounced  by 
his  preceptor  fitted  for  examination,  and  was 
admitted  to  the  bar. 

His  admission  took  place  on  May  ist,  1858. 
He  was  now  in  his  23d  year.  Anxious  to  obtain 
a  practice  that  would  afford  him  the  means  of  a 
livelihood,  he  looked  around  him  for  a  promising 
opening  for  a  young  lawyer.  While  reading  law 
he  had  supported  himself  by  his  old  occupation 
of  teaching  school,  but  this  was  no  longer  availa 
ble.  He  must  now  make  his  living  by  his  pro- 
f-^sion.  Mr.  Williams  advised  him  to  go  to 
Metamora  and  start  there,  giving  htm  letters  of 
introduction  to  friends  of  his  own  in  that  town. 
The  youthful  aspirant  took  this  advice,  hung  out 
his  shingle  in  that  small  country  town,  and  after  a 
month's  weary  waiting  obtained  his  first  case — a 


EARL  Y  DA  YS  AND  BUSINESS  LIFE.  -,5- 

suit  before  a  justice  of  the  peace,  His  opponent 
was  John  Clark,  an  experienced  lawyer,  but 
Stevenson  won  the  case  and  pocketed  his  first 
fee — the  small  sum  of  five  dollars.  His  success 
in  this  suit  brought  him  some  prestige,  more  cases 
came  to  him,  and  his  first  year's  business  netted 
him  a  profit  of  $500. 

The  young  lawyer  was  not  long  in  making  his 
ability  felt,  and  through  the  influence  of  friends 
he  received,  in  1861,  the  appointment  of  Master 
in  Chancery.  In  1864  he  was  elected  District 
Attorney  for  the  23d  District  of  Illinois,  consisting 
of  three  counties.  During  his  occupancy  of  this 
office,  he  rode  his  circuit  on  horseback.  He  held 
the  position  for  four  years,  but  the  pay  was  small, 
arid  at  the  end  of  that  time  he  gave  it  up,  and 
also  his  office  in  Metamora,  returning  to  Bloom- 
ington.  Here  he  formed  a  law  partnership  with 
his  double  cousin,  James  S.  Ewing,  and  began 
practice  in  the  court  in  which  Abraham  Lincoln 
had.  formerly  practiced.  Mr.  Stevenson  had 
become  acquainted  with  Lincoln  during  his  boy 
hood  days,  and  admired  him  greatly.  He  was 
only  sorry,  as  he  afterward  often  said,  that 
Lincoln  was  not  a  Democrat.  Among  the  young 
lawyer's  intimates  at  Metamora  may  be  named 
Col.  Robert  Ingersoll,  the  famous  anti-Bible 
controversialist  and  political  orator.  At  that 
time  Ingersoll  was  not  pronounced  in  his  religious 
views.  If  he  held  radical  opinions  in  religion,  he 


L1FE  OF  ADLAI  E.  STEVE X SON. 

kept  them  to  himself.  It  is  only  necessary  to  say 
further  in  conclusion  of  our  review  of  Mr.  Steven 
son's  business  life,  that  the  law  firm  of  Stevenson 
&  Ewing  greatly  prospered  and  still  exists,  having 
one  of  the  largest  legal  practices  in  central  Illi 
nois.  It  is  said  of  it  that  it  has  never  been  a 
corporation  firm,  being  on  the  opposite  side  in 
all  corporation  cases.  Almost  every  legal  battle 
in  which  Mr.  Stevenson  has  been  personally 
engaged  has  been  against  a  corporation. 


MCMILLAN. 


CHAPTER  III. 

POLITICAL   CAREER. 

WE  have  told  the  story  cf  Mr.  Steven 
son's  youthful  days,  his  strenuous 
efforts  to  obtain  an  education,  and 
his  successful  professional  career,  before  enter 
ing  upon  the  record  of  his  political  life,  which 
is  sufficiently  important  to  demand  separate 
treatment.  As  we  have  already  said,  his  pre 
dilection  toward  a  political  career  was  manifested 
in  his  college  life,  in  which  he  took  an  active 
part  in  the  political  debates  of  the  students.  His 
public  career  as  a  politician  began  in  1858,  while 
he  was  still  a  law  student  in  Mr.  Williams's  office. 
This  was  the  year  of  the  famous  Lincoln  and 
Douglas  debate.  Mr.  Douglas  had  arranged  to 
come  to  Bloomington  to  speak,  and  the  Demo 
cratic  citizens  of  that  town  chose  Mr.  Stevenson 
as  a  member  of  the  committee  appointed  to  receive 
him.  Douglas  took  a  fancy  to  the  young  man, 
and  advised  him  to  enter  politics,  telling  him  that 
he  was  rather  a  young  man,  but  might  hope  yet  to 
be  President  or  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States — a  prediction  which,  unlike  many  prophe 
cies  of  the  same  kind,  bids  fair  to  be  fulfilled. 
The  young  law  student  took  the  advice  of  the 

367 


LIFE  OF  ADLAI  E.  STEVENSON. 

veteran  statesman.  He  was  already  a  ready 
speaker,  not  particularly  eloquent,  but  level 
headed  and  .argumentative,  and  with  the  faculty 
of  generally  flooring  his  opponent.  Soon  after 
Douglas  left  the  town  Stevenson  took  the  stump 
on  the  side  of  the  Democracy,  and  made  a  consid 
erable  number  of  speeches  during  the  campaign. 
His  next  active  political  work  was  during  the 
Presidential  campaign  of  1860,  in  which  he  made 
himself  quite  a  reputation  as  a  clear  and  logical 
speaker.  In  1864  he  was  placed  on  the  McClel- 
lan  electoral  ticket,  and  stumped  the  State  for 
the  Democratic  candidate,  making  over  one 
hundred  speeches.  He  was  equally  active  during 
the  succeeding  Presidential  campaigns,  being  one 
of  the  principal  Democratic  speakers  in  1868,  and 
again  in  1872. 

With  undimished  energy  and  enthusiasm  he 
took  the  stump  forTilden  in  1876,  for  Hancock  in 
1880,  and  for  Cleveland  in  1884,  and  in  fact  has 
b^en  actively  engaged  as  a  speaker  in  every 
Presidential  campaign  since  1860. 

His  first  nomination  to  a  political  position  was 
made  in  1874,  when  the  People's  party,  an  organi 
zation  with  no  political  affiliation,  yet  opposed  to 
the  extravagance  of  the  existing  Republican  ad 
ministration,  made  him  its  candidate  for  Congress. 
The  district,  comprising  the  five  counties  of 
McLean,  D(>  Witt,  Logan,  Tazewell,  and  Mason, 
was  strongly  Republican,  giving  a  majority  of 


POLITICAL  CAREER. 

3,000  for  that  party.  Mr.  Stevenson  declined  the 
nomination.  He  was  not  eager  for  office,  and 
particularly  did  not  care  to  run  on  a  hopeless 
ticket.  About  a  week  afterward  the  Democratic 
Committee  of  the  District  ratified  the  nomination 
of  the  People's  party.  The  case  still  seemed  hope 
less,  but  Mr.  Stevenson  now  accepted  the  nomi 
nation,  and  went  in  to  win  with  all  his  well-known 
energy.  The  result  was  a  surprise  to  both  par 
ties.  The  Republican  majority  was  swept  away 
and  he  was  sent  to  Congress  with  a  majority  of 
1,285  votes — a  splendid  attestation  of  his  popular 
ity  as  a  citizen  and  ability  as  an  orator. 

As  a  member  of  the  Forty-fourth  Congress 
Mr.  Stevenson  made  his  mark  in  his  strenuous 
opposition  to  the  mode  of  settlement  of  the  Tilden- 
Hayes  electoral  dispute — the  Presidential  steal,  as 
it  was  named  at  the  time.  He  made  a  number  of 
able  speeches  on  the  question,  of  which,  in  illus 
tration  of  his  powers  as  an  orator,  we  give  the 
concluding  portion  of  the  last,  in  which  he  strongly 
arraigns  the  decision  of  the  Electoral  Commission 
as  venial,  and  a  dangerously  partisan  settlement 
of  a  vital  political  question. 

"  The  worst  effect  of  this  decision,  Mr.  Speaker," 
he  said,  "will  be  its  lesson  to  the  young  men  of 
our  country.  Hereafter  old-fashioned  honesty  is 
at  a  discount,  and  villainy  and  fraud  the  legalized 
instruments  of  success.  The  fact  may  be  con 
ceded,  the  proof  is  overwhelming,  that  the  honest 


370  /-//'A   OF  ADLAI  E. 

voice  of  States  has  been  overthrown  by  outrage 
and  fraud,  and  yet  the  chosen  tribunal  of  the 
people  has  entered  the  solemn  record  that  there  is 
no  remedy.  O  Judgment !  thou  art  fled  to 
brutish  beasts ! 

"  Mr  Speaker,  my  criticism  of  the  decision  of 
this  tribunal  rests  upon  its  finding  in  the  cases  of 
Louisiana  and  Florida.  Upon  the  Oregon  case  I 
have  no  criticism  to  offer.  It  is  true,  Mr.  Speaker, 
we  have  now  reached  the  final  act  in  this  <^reat 

o 

drama,  and  the  record  here  made  will  pass  into 
history.  Time,  the  great  healer,  will  bring  a  balm 
to  those  who  feel  sick  at  heart  because  of  this 
wrong.  But  who  can  estimate  the  evils  that  may 
result  to  us  and  our  children  from  this  judgment. 
Fortunate,  indeed,  will  it  be  for  this  country  if 
our  people  lose  not  faith  in  popular  institutions ; 
fortunate  if  they  abate  not  their  confidence  in  the 
integrity  of  that  high  tribunal.  For  a  century  the 
bulwark  of  our  liberty  in  all  kinds  of  popular 
commotion  and  peril,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States  has  been  looked  upon  as  the  final 
arbitrator,  its  decrees  heeded  as  the  voice  of  God. 
How  disastrous  may  be  the  result  of  decisions  so 
manifestly  partisan  I  will  not  now  attempt  to  fore 
cast.  Let  this  vote  be  now  taken  and  the  curtain 
fall,  that  no  hindrance  or  delay  be  interposed  to 
the  execution  of  the  law  but  that  of  faithful  ad 
herence  to  its  mandates.  By  honest  efforts  to 
revive  the  prostrate  industries  of  the  country,  and 


POLITICAL   CAREER. 

restore  public  confidence  by  obedience  to  the  con 
stituted  authorities,  we  will  show  ourselves  patriots 
rather  than  partisans  in  this  hour  of  our  country's 
misfortune." 

It  may  be  well  at  this  point  to  allude  to  certain 
unfounded  charges  which  have  recently  been 
brought  against  Mr.  Stevenson,  and  the  refuta 
tion  of  which  forms  a  proper  portion  of  his  history. 
It  has  been  claimed  that  he  was,  at  the  outbreak 
of  the  war,  a  leading  member  of  the  disloyal  asso 
ciation  known  as  the  Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle, 
and  that  all  his  sympathies  were  with  the  South. 
This  charge  is  absolutely  without  foundation.  Mr. 
Stevenson  says  in  regard  to  it:  "I  never  had  any 
sympathy  with  the  Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle. 
At  the  time  that  organization  was  said  to  exist,  I 
did  not  know  that  it  existed.  My  heart  sympa 
thies  were  with  the  Union  cause." 

What  he  here  says  was  abundantly  proved  by 
his  acts.  Home  duties  at  the  time  prevented  his 
going  personally  to  the  war,  but  he  did  his  utmost 
in  aid  of  the  raising  of  troops.  We  have  the 
testimony  of  an  Illinois  colonel,  who  raised  two 
companies  of  men  in  the  vicinity  of  Bloomington 
that  Mr.  Stevenson  was  his  right  hand  in  the 
work.  He  went  about  the  county  with  him,  making 
speeches  in  favor  of  the  cause,  and  using  every 
effort  to  gain  recruits.  In  further  attestation  of 
what  we  have  here  said,  we  may  advert  to  a 
eulogy  on  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  shortly  after  the 


LIFK  OF  AD  LAI  E.  STEVE  XSOX. 

death  of  the  Illinois  champion  of  Democracy,  in 
1 86 1.  This  address  is  filled  viith  Union  sentiments. 
Mr.  Stevenson  quotes  largely,  and  approvingly, 
from  Mr.  Douglas's  fervid  speeches,  in  favor  of 
the  North,  and  indorses  the  strongly  Unionistic 
remarks  of  the  deceased  statesman,  with  an  ear 
nestness  that  admits  of  butfcne  interpretation,  viz., 
that  Adlai  E.  Stevenson  was  heart  and  soul  in 
favor  of  the  preservation  of  the  Union. 

In  further  evidence  of  this,  we  may  offer  a  very 
brief  quotation  from  one  of  his  speeches  on  the 
pensioning  of  our  veterans. 

"  I  trust  that  neither  this  Congress,  nor  any  that 
may  come  after  it,  may  pursue  other  than  the  most 
generous  policy  toward  the  defenders  of  our 
Republic.  To  provide  for  them  when  disabled  by 
wounds  or  disease,  and  for  their  families  when 
dependent,  is  a  sacred  duty,  an  obligation  impera 
tive  upon  the  government.  It  should  be  our  policy 
so  clearly  defined  that  all  men  may  read,  that  he 
who  perils  life  in  the  defense  of  this  government 
is  henceforth  under  its  guardianship." 

We  need  say  no  more.  This  weak  campaign 
lie  has  been  scotched  and  killed,  and  Mr.  Steven 
son's  abiding  loyalty  to  the  Union  is  beyond  the 
shadow  of  a  doubt. 

In  1876  Mr.  Stevenson  was  renominated  for 
Congress  by  the  Democratic  party,  the  nomina 
tion  being  now  ratified  by  the  People's  and  Inde 
pendent  parties.  It  was,  however,  a  Presidential 


POLITICAL  CAREER. 

year,  and  he  was  defeated  at  the  polls,  but  only  by 
200  votes,  he  running  far  ahead  of  his  ticket.  In 
1878  the  nomination  was  again  tendered  him.  He 
declined  it,  but  so  great  a  pressure  was  brought 
to  bear  on  him  by  his  friends  that  he  was  finally 
induced  to  accept.  It  was,  as  before,  ratified  by 
the  People's  and  Independent  parties.  The  election 
that  followed  was  hotly  contested,  but  Stevenson 
won  by  a  majority  of  1,800,  a  striking  evidence  of 
his  popularity  in  view  of  the  great  Republican 
strength  of  the  District.  He  ran  again  in  1880, 
but  this  being  a  Presidential  year  he  was  de 
feated,  yet  only  by  the  small  majority  of  242 
votes. 

After  1880  the  State  was  redistricted  by  a  Re 
publican  Legislature,  and  Stevenson  placed  in  a 
district  of  which  every  county  was  Republican. 
He  ran  for  Congress  again  in  1882,  and  was  de 
feated  by  350  votes.  This  was  his  last  effort.  In 
the  succeeding  Congressional  election  his  old  op 
ponent  was  returned  by  over  2,700  majority,  an 
other  interesting  evidence  that  Stevenson's  per 
sonal  popularity  had  gained  him  a  large  support 
from  the  other  party. 

In  1884  Mr.  Stevenson  was  one  of  the  delegates 
to  the  Democratic  National  Convention  at  Chicago, 
and  afterward  was  a  member  of  the  committee 
appointed  to  wait  upon  Cleveland  and  Hendricks 
and  notify  them  of  their  nomination.  Mr.  Cleve 
land  was  then  at  the  State  House  in  Albany,  and 


374  LIFE  OF  ADLAI  E.  S77-:i7-:.\'SO.V. 

there  first  met  the  two  men  who  were  to  be  asso 
ciated  on  the  Democratic  ticket  of  1892. 

The  new  President's  appreciation  of  the  valu 
able  services    of  the   Illinois  delegate  was   soon 
shown.     In  July,  1885,  the  First  Assistant   Post 
master-General,  Malcolm  Hay,  was  obliged  to  re 
sign,  his  health  having  failed  under  the  laborious 
nature  of  his  duties.   Mr.  Stevenson  wasappointed 
to  succeed  him,  his  appointment  dating  from  July 
7th,  1885.     The  task  before  the  new  official  was  no 
light  one ;    the  bulk  of  the  work  of  the  office  fell 
upon  him,  but  he  proved  fully  competent  to  its 
performance,  and  by  his  geniality  and  justice  made 
himself  friends  and  acquaintances  in  almost  every 
town  and  hamlet  in  the  United  States,  his  duties 
bringing  him  directly  into  contact  with  an  army  of 
postmasters.       No   man    was   more    popular   in 
Washington.       His    distinguishing   characteristic 
was  his  dislike  of  red  tape,  and  absence  of  form 
ality  marked  his  performance  of  his  official  duties. 
The  latchstring  was  always  out  in  his  office.     No 
repellant  doorkeeper  stood  between  him  and  the 
public ;  no  guards  were  necessary  to  herald  a  vis 
itor  ;    every  man  who  had  business  with  the  office 
had  simply  to  walk  in,  and  no  one  failed  to  meet 
with  a  cheerful  reception,  and  a  polite  attention  to 
his  remarks.     He  often  had  interviews  with  more 
than    a   hundred   men   daily ;    and    even    after   2 
o'clock,  the  official  hour  for  closing  the  doors   to 
visitors,  Mr.  Stevenson  was  readily  accessible.     In 


POLITICAL  CAREER.  -»- 

fact,  he  could  be  seen  at  any  time  while  at  the 
office,  and,  though  doubtless  often  pestered  with 
bores,  was  invariably  kind  and  considerate. 

He  was  not  a  delegate  to  the  1888  nominating 
Convention,  nor  did  he  attend  its  sessions,  but  his 
influence  was  thrown  in  favor  of  makino-  Mr 

^ 

Cleveland  the  nominee,  and  during  the  campaign 
he  worked  night  and  day  for  the  man  of  his 
choice,  his  whole  soul  being  for  Cleveland.  The 
number  of  his  speeches  cannot  be  given.  Ten 
were  made  in  New  York  and  an  uncounted 
number  in  Illinois  and  other  States.  After  the 
election  of  President  Harrison,  and  the  appoint 
ment  of  his  Cabinet,  it  fell  to  the  lot  of  Mr. 
Stevenson,  in  the  absence  of  Don  M.  Dickinson, 
the  Postmaster-General,  to  turn  over  the  office  to 
John  Wanamaker.  the  newly-appointed  Post 
master-General.  This  he  did,  and  to  his  own 
inconvenience,  consented  to  retain  the  position  of 
First  Assistant  for  10  or  12  days,  until  his  suc 
cessor,  John  M.  Clarkson,  was  appointed. 

Mr.  Stevenson  then  returned  home  and  re 
sumed  the  practice  of  his  profession,  in  which  he 
has  since  that  period  been  actively  engaged. 

In  the  Democratic  National  Convention  of  1892, 
Mr.  Stevenson  took  a  prominent  part,  as  head  of 
the  Illinois  delegation,  in  which  position  he  cast  the 
vote  of  the  State  as  a  unit  in  favor  of  the  nomi 
nation  of  Grover  Cleveland.  When  the  question 
of  nominating  a  candidate  for  Vice-president 


376  L1*'E  OF  ^DLAI  E.  STEVENSOX. 

came  before  the  Convention,  the  Hon.  Isaac  P. 
Gray,  of  Indiana,  was  much  the  most  prominent 
name.  But  when  Illinois  was  reached  in  the  roll- 
call  of  States,  Nicholas  E.  Worthington  rose,  and 
advancing  to  the  platform,  delivered  the  following 
brief  but  effective  speech  : 

"Mi<.  CHAIRMAN  AND  FELLOW-DELEGATES: — 
Illinois  has  presented  no  Presidential  candidate  to 
this  Convention.  It  has  within  its  borders  more 
than  one  favorite  son,  whom  it  would  have  de 
lighted  to  honor,  and  who  are  worthy  of  all  the 
political  honors  that  could  be  conferred  upon 
them.  But  here  in  this  great  city  of  Chicago,  in 
this  great  Commonwealth  of  Illinois,  bordering 
upon  the  Lake  r.nd  the  Mississippi,  in  the  centre 
of  this  great  Republic,  the  Democracy,  catching 
the  vibrations  of  the  ground  swell  that  came  from 
the  South,  and  the  East,  and  the  West,  put  aside 
its  favorite  sons,  for  the  time  buried  its  State 
pride,  and  echoing  back  to  Texas,  Connecticut, 
and  California,  with  48  votes  shouted  the  name  of 
Grover  Cleveland. 

"  But  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  for  the  second 
highest  place  in  the  gift  of  the  people,  it  has  a 
candidate  so  fully  equipped  by  nature  and  educa 
tion  that  it  feels  that  it  would  be  a  political  fault 
to  fail  to  urge  his  name  for  nomination  before  you. 
I  stand  here,  then,  gentlemen,  to  name  as  a  can 
didate  for  that  position  a  man  that  is  known  by 
every  woman  and  child  and  voter  that  ever  licked 


POLITICAL  CAREER. 

a  postage-stamp  in  every  village  and  hamlet  in  the 
land.  [Applause.]  A  big-boclied,  big-hearted, 
big-brained  man  ;  a  man  of  commanding  presence, 
of  dignified  mien  ;  a  man  whose  courtesy  in  his 
every-day  manners  is  rarely  equalled  and  never 
excelled ;  a  man  who  in  the  administration  of  his 
duties  in  the  last  Democratic  administration  was 
the  beau  ideal  of  an  honest,  honorable,  useful,  and 
efficient  Democratic  office-holder.  I  refer  to  the 
Hon.  Adlai  E.  Stevenson.  Like  his  great  leader, 
who  bears  your  banner,  he  believes  that  public 
office  is  a  public  trust,  but  he  believes,  also,  that 
the  Democrats  are  the  best  trustees  of  this  public 
trust. 

"  Nor  can  the  pride  of  office  make  him  proud 
or  haughty.  I  appeal  to  every  Senator  and  Con 
gressman  who  is  here,  if  ever  he  found  the 
haughtiness  of  office,  the  chilling  indifference  of  a 
little  brief  authority  in  the  atmosphere  of  the  room 
of  the  Assistant  Postmaster-General  during 
Cleveland's  administration.  .  .  .  Will  you  help 
us  give  the  24  electoral  votes  to  Grover  Cleveland 
by  voting  for  the  man  whose  name  I  now  present 

a  man  who  does  not  have  to  get  a  certificate 

from  a  labor  organization  to  prove  that  he  is  a 
friend  of  the  people— a  man  that  we  all  love— 
Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  of  Illinois." 

This  address  was  frequently  interrupted  by  ap 
plause,  and  ended  in  an  outburst  of  cheers  which 
showed  that  the  right  vein  had  been  touched,  and 


378 


LIFE  OF  AD  LAI  E.  STEVENSON. 


that  Stevenson  was  the  man  for  the  people.  But 
the  true  test  came  when  the  voting  began,  and 
the  result  showed  that  Stevenson  had  received 
402  votes  to  343  for  Gray,  with  157  for  other  can 
didates.  Hardly  had  the  vote  been  announced 
before  Iowa  changed  the  vote  of  its  delegation 

O  O 

from  Watterson  to  Stevenson.  This  started  a 
stampede.  With  rapid  speed  Montana,  Nebraska, 
Nevada,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Tennessee,  and  Texas 
changed  their  votes  to  Stevenson,  and  then,  on 
the  motion  of  Mr.  Cole,  of  Ohio,  the  nomination 
of  the  Illinois  candidate  was  made  by  acclama 
tion,  and  Adlai  E.  Stevenson  wheeled  into  line  as 
second  on  the  Democratic  Presidential  ticket  of 
1892. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

DOMESTIC    LIFE. 

WE  shall  conclude  with  what  is  an  impor 
tant  element  in  every  man's  story — 
the  record  of  his  courtship  and  mar 
riage  (in  case  he  has  avoided  the  gulf  of  old  bach 
elorhood),  and  of  his  life  at  home,  and  as  a  member 
of  society.  Mr.  Stevenson  was  fortunate  in  ob 
taining  for  wife  the  daughter  of  his  old  college 
president.  During  his  student  days  at  Danville 
he  made  the  acquaintance  of  Miss  Letitia  Green, 
the  daughter  of  Dr.  L.  W.  Green,  President  of 
Centre  College,  and  a  charming  example  of  Ken 
tucky's  lovely  daughters.  Many  meetings  took 
place  between  them,  and  though  no  word  of  love 
was  spoken,  their  affection  existed  from  that  time. 
Dr.  Green  died  in  1863,  and  his  daughter  Leti 
tia  came  to  live  with  her  married  sister,  ,  Mrs. 
Matthew  Scott,  at  Chenoa,  Illinois.  This  place 
lay  in  the  line  of  Mr.  Stevenson's  route  as  district 
attorney.  He  had  kept  up  the  acquaintance  by 
letter,  and  now  called  frequently  on  the  young 
lady  during  his  horseback  journeys  about  the  dis 
trict.  These  days  of  courtship  had  their  natural 
result  in  a  proposal  and  acceptance,  and  on  De 
cember  20th,  1866,  his  marriage  to  Miss  Green 

379 


380  LIFE   OF  ADLAI  E.  STEl'EXSON. 

took  place  at  Mrs.  Scott's  house,  the  ceremony 
being  performed  by  the  Rev.   Dr.  Craig,  of  Chi 


cago. 


The  happy  couple  made  their  way  to  Blooming- 
ton,  where  they  received  an  enthusiastic  welcome. 
From  there  they  made  a  wedding  journey  to 
Kentucky,  visiting  all  the  old  scenes  and  most  of 
the  old  friends,  who  now  could  be  found  in  almost 
every  town  of  that  State.  They  were  a  handsome 
couple,  Mrs.  Stevenson  being  a  most  favorable 
example  of  Western  beauty  and  refinement,  while 
Kentucky  never  raised  a  man  of  more  present 
able  personal  appearance  than  her  husband,  or 
one  with  more  true  manliness  of  soul  and  more 
devoted  public  spirit. 

The  home  of  the  Stevensons,  within  which  they 
have  lived  for  the  past  six  or  eight  years,  is  a 
modest  two-story  brick  residence  on  the  principal 
street  of  Bloomington.  It  has  a  porch  and  a  broad 
piazza  along  half  its  front  and  extending  back  the 
full  length  of  both  its  sides,  while  it  stands  back 
from  die  street,  with  a  sylvan  surrounding  of  trees 
and  bushes.  On  both  sides  are  broad,  open 
lawns,  and  in  front  extends  Franklin  Square,  the 
well-wooded  public  breathing  place  of  Blooming- 
ton.  The  house  has  a  hallway  extending  through 
its  centre,  is  modestly  but  comfortably  furnished, 
and  the  taste  of  the  inmates  is  shown  in  a  good 
display  of  books  and  pictures. 

The  SfV'Mison  homestead   is   made   attractive 


DOMESTIC  LIFE.  -g  j 

by  the  presence  of  four  children,  three  daughters 
and  one  son.  The  daughters — Julia,  Mary,  and 
Letitia  by  name — are  still  young,  Letitia,  the 
youngest,  being  but  16,  while  Julia  is  not  yet  20. 
They  are  all  pretty,  vivacious,  and  of  joyous  dis 
positions,  and  Blooming-ton  knows  no  livelier  and 
happier  home.  The  son,  Louis,  is  23  years  of 
age,  and  none  too  strong.  While  preparing  for 
Yale  College,  he  was  injured  during  a  hunting 
excursion  by  the  bursting  of  his  gun,  being  so 
seriously  hurt  that  for  a  year  and  a  half  he  was 
not  'able  to  leave  the  house.  Recently  he  has 
spent  some  time  in  Southern  California,  and  wiih 
decided  advantage  to  his  health,  having  returned 
home  very  greatly  improved. 

The  other  members  of  the  family  consist  of 
Mrs.  Stevenson,  now  a  matronly  lady,  of  amiable 
and  benevolent  countenance^  and  devoted  to 
home  interests,  and  Mr.  Stevenson's  aged 
mother,  now  83  years  of  age.  The  old  lady  has 
a  fervent  admiration  of  her  son,  and  with  reason, 
for,  to  quote  her  own  words,  "  My  boy  was 
always  what  I  would  wish  him  to  be.  He  loved 
me,  and  words  were  never  necessary  to  make  me 
know  it.  His  acts  prove  it.  He  was  dutiful  ; 
he  was  honest;  he  was  a  good  boy,  and  he  has 
been  a  good  man." 

The  old  lady's  eulogy  is  in  no  sense  misplaced  ; 
her  son  is  undeniably  a  good  man,  and  one  of  the 
most  crenial  and  sociable  that  can  be  found  in  the 


og2  LIFE  OF  AD  LAI  E.  STEVENSON. 

wide  West.  He  has  an  exhaustless  fund  of  wit 
and  humor,  and  during  his  younger  days  was 
known  and  admired  as  the  wit  of  that  portion  of 
Illinois.  His  enjoyment  of  a  joke  has  never  left 
him,  and  his  laugh  rings  out  as  cheerily  now  on 
hearing  a  good  story  as  it  did  20  years  ago.  He 
is  fond  of  music,  is  devoted  to  his  family, 
and  loves  nothing  better  than  to  gather  them 
around  him,  not  as  the  stern  parent,  but  as 
the  warm  sympathizer  in  all  their  joys  and  sor 
rows.  In  brief,  we  may  say  that  their  residence 
is  a  typical  American  home,  and  that  there  is  no 
family  in  the  land  more  admirable  for  the  per 
sonal  and  social  qualities  of  its  inmates.  As  re 
gards  the  respect  in  which  Mr.  Stevenson  is  held 
by  the  citizens  of  his  district  nothing  need  be 
said.  They  have  testified  to  it  by  voting  for  him 
without  regard  to  party,  and  by  their  unanimous 
delight  in  his  recent  nomination  to  the  exalted 
office  of  Vice-President. 


WM.    S.    IJOLMAN. 


PRINCIPLES 


OF   THE 


DEMOCRATIC  PARTY 


PRINCIPLES 

OF    THE 

DEMOCRATIC  PARTY. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE    PRINCIPLES    OF    WASHINGTON. 

WASHINGTON  lived  before  the  days 
of  party  politics.  He  exemplified  his 
principles  by  his  conduct,  whether  at 
the  head  of  the  army  or  of  the  civil  Administra 
tion.  He  had  studied  well  the  principles  of  free 
governments  in  former  ages  and  was  well 
grounded  in  the  faith.  In  his  Farewell  Address  to 
the  American  people  he  left  a  legacy  any  party 
might  well  be  proud  of.  Not  because  he  was  at 
the  head  of  a  so-called  Democratic  or  Republican 
or  any  party,  but  because  the  few  fundamental 
principles  upon  which  rested  the  perpetuity  of  the 
Union  which  he  announced  have  always  been  a 
part  of  the  faith  of  the  Democracy,  does  it  become 
appropriate  here  to  insert  those  principles.  No 
person  can  be  a  sound  Democrat  who  cannot  give 
unqualified  assent  to  them.  In  substance  he 
announced  the  following  principles  : — 

25  385 


DEMOCRATIC   PRINCIPLES. 

"The   union   of  the   government  is   the   main 

o 

pillar  in  the  edifice  of  our  real  independence: 
the  support  of  our  tranquillity  at  home,  our  peace 
abroad  ;  of  our  safety  and  our  prosperity,  yea,  of 
the  very  liberty  all  so  highly  prize." 

He  warned  his  countrymen  that  from  different 
causes  and  from  different  quarters  great  puns 
would  be  taken  (as  was  the  case  three-quarters  of 
a  century  after  that),  and  many  artifices  would  be 
employed  to  weaken  in  the  minds  of  the  people 
the  conviction  of  this  great  truth.  He  told  them 
that  this  was  a  point  in  their  political  fortress 
against  which  the  batteries  of  internal  and  exter 
nal  enemies  would  most  constantly  and  most 
actively,  though  covertly  and  insidiously,  direct 
their  assaults. 

He  entreated  them  to  cherish  a  cordial,  habitual, 
and  immovable  attachment  to  the  Union,  accus 
toming  them  to  think  and  speak  of  it  as  the  pal 
ladium  of  their  political  safety  and  prosperity, 
watching  for  its  preservation  with  jealous  anxiety, 
discountenancing  whatever  might  even  suggest  a 
suspicion  that  it  could  in  any  event  be  abandoned, 
and  indignantly  frown  upon  the  first  dawning  of 
every  attempt  to  alienate  any  portion  of  our  coun 
trymen  from  the  rest,  or  to  enfeeble  the  sacred 
ties  which  link  together  the  various  parts  of  our 
common  country. 

Whether  he  called  himself  a  Democrat  or  not 
makes  no  difference,  this  principle  of  cherishing 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

an  absolute  devotion  to  the  existence  of  the  Union 
under  one  form  of  government  is  a  sacred  Demo 
cratic  principle  that  must  be  subscribed  to  by 
every  citizen  of  this  great  Republic  who  aspires 
to  be  called  an  American  Democrat.  It  is  be 
cause  Democrats  have  ever  entertained  the  same 
convictions  and  (save  by  the  men  who  called 
themselves  Democrats,  but  had  forgotten  or  dis- 

o 

regarded  the  warning  voice  of  Washington,  and 
went  into  a  rebellion  against  the  Government, 
thereby  seeking  to  destroy  the  Union)  have  ever 
been  true  to  these  principles,  and  above  all  other 
parties  most  profoundly  impressed  with  the  truth 
of  this  doctrine,  that  many  of  the  most  thought 
ful  men  have  ever  been  Democrats. 

Washington  sought  by  most  cogent  arguments 
to  impress  upon  his  countrymen  that  all  parts  of 
the  country,  North,  South,  East,  and  West,  had  a 
common  destiny  and  a  common  interest  in  the 
general  welfare  of  every  other  section,  and  be 
cause  each  added  strength  and  security  to  the 
other,  and  in  this  sense  the  Union  was  the  main 
prop  of  our  liberties,  so  that  the  love  for  one 
should  endear  to  the  people  the  preservation  of 
the  other,  and  thus  become  the  primary  object  of 
patriotic  desire. 

Democrats  believe  all  this  ;  and  though  the  party 
itself  became  distracted  and  many  of  its  adher 
ents  were  dragged  into  a  rebellion,  still,  so  soon 
as  military  force  was  overcome  and  the  conviction 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

of  the  mind  could  be  freely  exercised,  even  those 
again  became  as  ardently  attached  to  the  Union 
as  any  other  portion  of  our  people,  and  since  the 
close  of  the  war  have  sought,  by  every  means 
within  their  power,  to  bring  together  and  bind 
more  closely  the  whole  people  of  this  Union  in 
the  bonds  of  a  fraternal  brotherhood  of  States. 

Washington  warned  his  countrymen  against  sec 
tionalism.  He  cautioned  them  that  designing 
men,  as  they  ever  have,  would  endeavor  to  excite 
a  belief  that  there  was  a  real  difference  ©f  local 
interests  and  views.  He  said  one  of  the  expedi 
ents  of  partyisms  would  be  to  acquire  influence 
in  one  particular  section  by  misrepresenting  the 
opinions  and  aims  of  another  section,  and  that 
they  could  not  shield  themselves  too  much  against 
the  jealousies  and  heart-burnings  aroused  by 
these  misrepresentations,  tending  to  alienate  the 
sections  from  each  other  instead  of  binding  them 
more  closely  together  with  fraternal  regard  and 
affection,  bringing  about  the  opposite  result.  It 
is  because  we  have  seen  the  Democratic  party  en 
deavoring  by  every  possible  means  in  its  power 
to  inculcate  these  same  great  truths,  while  its  op 
ponents  have  conducted  themselves  toward  one 
section  precisely  in  the  way  and  manner  suggested 
by  Washington  men  would,  that  they  are  forced 
to  be  Democrats  when  true  to  their  convictions 
of  right. 

He  cautioned  his  countrymen  against  heaping 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

up  public  debts  for  posterity  to  pay,  thus  ungen 
erously  throwing  upon  them  burdens  which  we 
ourselves  should  pay.  This  whole  business  of 
bonded  indebtedness  is  undemocratic  and  ouo-ht 

£> 

not  to  be  indulged  in  if  by  any  means  it  can  be 
avoided.  It  is  true  that  men  calling  themselves 
Democrats  have  been  led  astray  by  the  plausible 
arguments  of  those  who  regarded  "  public  debts 
as  public  blessings,"  still  the  Democratic  party,  as 
such,  has  ever  denounced  the  practice,  and  be 
cause  they  have  always  coincided  with  him  in  this 
particular  they  are  Democrats. 

Against  the  insidious  wiles  of  foreign  influence, 
he  conjured  his  fellow-citizens,  their  jealousy 
ought  to  be  constantly  awake.  Numerous  oppor 
tunities  would  be  offered,  he  said,  to  tamper  with 
domestic  factions,  to  practice  the  arts  of  seduc 
tion,  to  mislead  public  opinion,  to  influence  public 
councils. 

No  attachment,  therefore,  for  one  nation  to  the 
exclusion  of  another  should  be  tolerated. 

Such  conduct  would  lead  to  concessions  to  one 
nation  and  denials  of  privileges  to  others,  and 
would  invite  a  multitude  of  evils  upon  us. 

It  is  because  this  has  been  a  fundamental  prin 
ciple  of  the  Democratic  party,  who  most  heartily 
believe  in  the  doctrine,. hence  they  are  Democrats. 

Washington  also  advised  his  countrymen  to  re 
sist  with  care  the  spirit  of  innovation  upon  the 
principles  on  which  the  Government  was  founded, 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

however  specious  the  pretext  might  be.  One 
method  of  assault  would  be,  he  said,  to  effect 
under  the  forms  of  the  Constitution  alterations 
which  would  impair  the  whole  system.  It  is  be 
cause  the  Democratic  party,  impressed  by  the 
truth  of  these  teachings  of  Washington,  has  op 
posed  the  numerous  amendments  constantly  being 
proposed  that  they  are  Democrats,  believing  that 
in  this  they  adhere  more  strictly  to  the  teachings 
of  Washington  than  any  other  party. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE    PRINCIPLES    OF    JEFFERSON. 

ALTHOUGH    in  his    time    not    called  "a 
Democrat,"  yet  the  leader  of  what  was 
then  known  as  the  Republican  party,  con- 
tmdincr  against  the   Federal   or   strong  govern- 

o        o  r~>     o 

mrnt  party,  Thomas  Jefferson  was  perhaps  one 
of  the  best  expounders  of  those  principles  now 
held  by  the  Democratic  party  among  all  of  those 
Revolutionary  sages. 

In  his  writings  and  official  messages  as  Presi 
dent  we  find  the  most  frequent  allusions  to  and 
rigid  application  of  them  in  the  administration  of 
public  affairs,  so  that  he  has  been  called  "  the 
father  of  the  Democratic  party."  It  was  pecu- 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

liarly  appropriate  that  he  should  Jo  so,  because, 
though  early  in  the  history  of  our  Government 
yet,  anti-democratic  principles  were  already  slowly 
creeping  into  the  administration  of  public  affairs 
under  the  Administration  of  the  elder  Adams,  so 
that  it  required  vigorous  opposition  and  deter 
mined  application  to  bring  the  Government  back 
once  more  to  be  administered  in  accordance  with 
those  pure  principles  of  a  representative  demo 
cratic  government. 

In  his  inaugural  address,  delivered  to  Congress 
on  March  4th,  1801,  the  commencement  as  well 
of  a  new  century  as  of  a  new  era  in  our  q-overn- 
rnent,  President  Jefferson  announced  the  follow 
ing  fundamental  doctrines  of  democracy,  which, 
he  said,  he  deemed  essential  principles  of  our 
Government,  which  should  guide  him  in  its  admin 
istration.  He  compressed  them  within  the  smallest 
possible  compass,  stating  only  the  general  prin 
ciples,  but  not  all  their  limitations  :— 

First.  Equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  men  of  what 
ever  State  or  persuasion,  religious  or  political. 

Second.  Peace,  commerce,  and  honest  friend 
ship  with  all  nations  ;  entangling  alliance  with 
none. 

Third.  The  support  of  the  State  govern 
ments  in  all  their  rights  as  the  most  competent 
administrators  of  our  domestic  concerns  and  the 
surest  bulwarks  against  anti-republican  tenden 
cies. 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

Fourth.  The  preservation  of  the  General  Gov 
ernment  in  its  whole  constitutional  vigor  as  the 
sheet  anchor  of  our  peace  at  home  and  safety 
abroad. 

Fiftli.  A  jealous  care  of  the  right  of  election 
by  the  people,  a  mild  and  safe  corrective  of 
abuses,  which  are  lopped  by  the  sword  of  revolu 
tion  where  peaceable  means  are  unprovided. 

Sixth.  Absolute  acquiescence  in  the  decisions 
of  the  majority,  the  vital  principles  of  republics, 
from  which  is  no  appeal  but  to  force,  the  vital 
principle  and  immediate  parent  of  despotism. 

Seventh.  A  well-disciplined  militia,  our  best 
reliance  in  peace,  and  for  the  first  moments  of 
war,  till  regulars  may  relieve  them. 

Eighth.  The  supremacy  of  the  civil  over  the 
military  authority. 

Ninth.  Economy  in  the  public  expenses,  that 
labor  many  be  lightly  burdened. 

Tenth.  The  honest  payment  of  our  debts  and 
the  sacred  preservation  of  the  public  faith. 

Eleventh.  Encouragement  of  agriculture  and 
of  commerce  as  its  handmaid. 

Twelfth.  The  diffusion  of  information  and 
arraignment  of  all  abuses  at  the  bar  of  public 
reason. 

Thirteenth.  Freedom  of  religion. 

Fourteenth.  Freedom  of  the  press. 

Fifteenth.  Freedom  of  the  person  under  the 
protection  of  the  habeas  corpus. 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

•Jsij 

Sixteenth.     Trial  by  juries  impartially  selected. 

"These  principles,"  said  Jefferson,  "form  the 
bright  constellation  which  has  gone  before  us  and 
guided  our  steps  through  the  age  of  revolution 
and  reformation.  The  wisdom  of  our  sages  and 
the  blood  of  our  heroes  have  been  devoted  to 
their  attainment.  They  should  be  the  creed  of 
our  political  faith,  the  text  of  civic  instruction, 
the  touchstone  by  which  to  try  the  services  of 
those  we  trust;  and  should  we  wander  from  them 
in  moments  of  error  or  alarm,  let  us  hasten  to 
retrace  our  steps  and  to  regain  the  road  which 
alone  leads  to  peace,  liberty,  and  safety." 

It  is  because  Democrats  believe  every  one  of 
those  fundamental  principles  to  be  true  that  they 
are  Democrats. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  PRINCIPLES    OF    MADISON. 

DEMOCRATS  believe  in  a  full,  unequivocal 
and  hearty  support  of  the  Constitution,  in 
a  strict  construction  of  it,  and  in  the  spirit 
and  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  formed,  and  in 
Madison,  also,  who  took  such  a  deep  interest  in 
its  formation  as  to  be  called  "  the  father  of  the 
Constitution,"    they    have    another  exponent    of 
sound  Democratic  principles. 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

He  knew  well  the  principles  on  which  that  Con 
stitution  was  founded.  He  had  studied  the  rise, 
progress,  decay,  and  fall  of  every  free  govern 
ment  which  had  gone  before,  and,  profiting  by  the 
very  misfortunes  of  other  nations,  he  had  secured 
in  the  adoption  of  our  Constitution  such  principles 
as  he  fondly  believed  would  prevent  us  as  a  people 
from  falling  into  similar  errors.  Standing  upon 
the  threshold  of  his  great  office  as  President  of 
the  United  States,  succeeding  Jefferson,  he  an 
nounced  the  following  as  additional  principles 
vital  to  the  welfare  of  the  American  people  in 
their  intercourse  with  foreign  nations.  They  were 
in  part  but  the  echoes  which  came  from  the  lips 
of  Washington  and  Jefferson,  and  became  the 
policy  of  the  Democratic  party  ever  since.  He 
announced  them  as  follows  : — 

First.  To  cheris  peace  and  friendly  intercourse 
with  all  nations  having  a  corresponding  disposi 
tion. 

Second.  To  maintain  sincere  neutrality  toward 
belligerent  nations. 

Third.  To  prefer  in  all  cases  amicable  discus 
sions  and  reasonable  accommodation  of  differences 
to  a  decision  of  them  by  an  appeal  to  arms. 

Fourth.     To  exclude  foreign  intrigues  and  for- 

o  o 

eign  partialities,  so  degrading  to  all  countries  and 
so  bane  ful  to  free  ones. 

Fifth.  To  foster  a  spirit  of  independence,  too 
just  to  invade  the  rights  of  others,  too  proud  to 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

surrender  our  own,  too  liberal  to  indulge  unworthy 
prejudices  ourselves,  and  too  elevated  not  to  look 
down  upon  them  in  others. 

Sixth.  To  hold  the  Union  of  the  States  as  the 
basis  of  their  peace  and  happiness. 

Seventh.  To  support  the  Constitution,  which  is 
the  cement  of  the  Union,  as  well  in  its  limitations 
as  in  its  authorities. 

Eighth.  To  respect  the  rights  and  authorities 
reserved  to  the  States  and  the  people  as  equally 
incorporated  with  and  essential  to  the  success  of 
the  general  system. 

Ninth.  To  avoid  the  slightest  interferences  with 
the  rights  of  conscience  or  the  functions  of  reli 
gion,  so  wisely  exempted  from  civil  jurisdiction. 

Tenth.  To  preserve  in  their  full  energy  the 
salutary  provisions  in  behalf  of  private  and  per 
sonal  rights  and  the  freedom  of  the  press. 

Eleventh.  To  observe  economy  in  public  ex 
penditures. 

Twelfth.  To  liberate  public  resources  by  an 
honorable  discharge  of  the  public  debts. 

Thirteenth.  To  keep  within  the  requisite  limits 
a  standing  military  force,  always  remembering 
that  an  armed  and  trained  militia  is  the  firmest 
bulwark  of  republics. 

Fourteenth.  That  without  standing  armies,  their 
liberties  can  never  be  in  danger,  nor  with  large 
ones,  safe. 

Fifteenth.   To   promote,  by  authorized  means, 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

improvements  friendly  to  agriculture,  to  commerce, 
to  manufactures,  and  to  external  as  well  as  inter 
nal  commerce. 

Sixteenth.    To   favor,  in   like   manner,  the   ad-- 
vancement  of  science  and  diffusion  of  information 
as  the  best  aliment  of  true  liberty. 

Seventeenth.  To  carry  on  benevolent  plans  for 
the  conversion  of  our  aboriginal  neighbors  from 
the  degradation  and  wretchedness  of  savage  life  to 
a  participation  of  the  improvements  of  which  the 
human  mind  and  manners  are  susceptible  in  a 
civilized  state. 

In  one  of  his  messages  he  also  laid  down  the 
principle  that  a  well-instructed  people  alone  can 
be  permanently  free,  all  of  which  Democrats  de 
voutly  believe. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

• 

THE    PRINCIPLES   OF    JACKSON. 

IN  the  principles  of  Andrew  Jackson  the  De 
mocracy  take  great  pride.    From  his  inaugu 
ral  address,  on  March  4th,  A.  D.  1829,  to  the 
close  of  his  Administration  of  eight  years,  in  every 
message  to  Congress  he  uttered  Democratic  sen 
timents   in  a  terse,  vigorous   style,  which,  on  ac 
count  of  their  self-evident   truth,  deeply  rooted 
themselves  in  American  hearts  and  became  the 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

principles  of  the  Democratic  party,  which  during 
his  Administration  first  took  that  name  and  which 
it  has  held  ever  since.  They  are  found  scattered 
all  through  his  messages,  and  were  his  guide  in 
deciding  all  questions  of  national  policy,  so  many 
of  which  pressed  themselves  upon  him  during  his 
term  of  office.  From  these  the  following  may  be 
selected  and  placed  in  order,  which  should  be 
fhoroughly  studied  and  applied  to  all  questions 
which  may  even  now  arise. 

First.  He  said  :  "  Regard  should  be  had  for  the 
rights  of  the  several  States,  taking  care  not  to 
confound  the  powers  reserved  to  them  with  th  )se 
they  had  in  the  Constitution  granted  to  the  Gen 
eral  Government. 

Second.  In  every  aspect  of  the  case  advantage 
must  result  from  strict  and  faithful  economy  in  the 
administration  of  public  affairs. 

Third.  He  declared  the  unnecessary  duration 
of  the  public  debt  incompatible  with  real  inde 
pendence. 

Fourth.  In  the  adjustment  of  ^  car  iff  for  reve 
nue,  he  insisted  that  a  spirit  of  equity,  caution,  and 
compromise  requires  the  great  interests  of  agri 
culture,  manufactures,  and  commerce  to  be  equally 
favored. 

Fifth.  He  admitted  the  policy  of  internal  im 
provements  to  be  wise  only  in  so  far  as  they  could 
be  promoted  by  constitutional  acts  of  the  General 
Government. 


DEMOCRA  TIL'   PRIXCirLES. 

Sixth.   He  declared  standing  armies  to  be  dan 
gerous  to  free  government,  and  that  the  military 
should  be  in  strict  subordination  to  the  civil  power. 

Seventh.  He  declared  the  national  militia  to  be 
the  bulwark  of  our  national  defense.  In  enforcing 
this  principle,  he  declared  that  so  long  as  the 
Government  was  administered  for  the  good  of  the 
people  and  regulated  by  their  will ;  so  long  as  it 
secured  to  the  people  the  rights  of  person  and  of 
property,  liberty  of  conscience  and  of  the  press, 
the  Government  would  be  worth  defending,  and 
so  long  as  it  was  worth  defending  the  patriotic 
militia  would  cover  it  with  an  impenetrable  agis. 

Eighth.  He  pledged  himself  to  the  work  of 
reform  in  the  Administration,  so  that  the  patronage 
of  the  General  Government,  which  had  been 
brought  into  conflict  with  the  freedom  of  elections 
and  had  disturbed  the  rightful  course  of  appoint 
ments  by  continuing  in  power  unfaithful  and  in 
competent  public  servants,  should  no  longer  be 
used  for  that  purpose. 

Ninth.  He  declared  his  belief  in  the  principle 
that  the  integrity  and  zeal  of  public  officers  would 
advance  the  interests  of  the  public  service  more 
than  mere  numbers. 

Tenth.  He  declared  the  right  of  the  people  to 
elect  a  President,  and  that  it  was  never  designed 
that  their  choice  should  in  any  case  be  defeated 
by  the  intervention  of  agents,  enforcing  this 
principle  by  saying,  what  experience  had  amply 


HON.    W.    R.    MORRISON. 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

proved,  that  in  proportion  as  agents  were  multi 
plied  to  execute  the  will  of  the  people,  there  was 
the  danger  increased  that  their  wishes  would 
be  frustrated.  Some  m-iy  be  unfaithful — all  liable 
to  err.  So  far,  then,  as  the  people  were  con 
cerned,  it  was  better  for  them  to  express  their 
own  will. 

Eleventh.  The  majority  should  govern.  No 
President  elected  by  a  minority  could  so  success 
fully  discharge  his  duties  as  he  who  knew  he  was 
supported  by  the  majority  of  the  people. 

Twelfth.  He  advocated  rotation  in  office.  Cor 
ruption,  he  said,  would  spring  up  among  those  in 
power,  and,  therefore,  he  thought  appointments 
should  not  be  made  for  a  longer  period  than  four 
years.  Everybody  had  equal  right  to  office,  and 
he  favored  removals  as  a  leading  principle  which 
would  give  healthful  action  to  the  political  system. 

Thirteenth.  He  advocated  unfettered  com 
merce,  free  from  restrictive  tariff  laws,  leaving  it 
to  flow  into  those  natural  channels  in  which  indi 
vidual  enterprise,  always  the  surest  and  safest 
guide,  might  direct  it. 

Fourteenth.  He  opposed  specific  tariffs,  be 
cause  subject  to  frequent  changes,  generally  pro 
duced  by  selfish  motives,  and  under  such  influ 
ences  could  never  be  just  and  equal. 

Fifteenth.  The  proper  fostering  of  manufac 
tures  and  commerce  tended  to  increase  the  value 
of  agricultural  products. 


40Q  DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

Sixteenth.  In  cases  of  real  doubt  as  to  matters 
of  mere  public  policy  he  advocated  a  direct  ap 
peal  to  the  people,  the  source  of  all  power,  as  the 
most  sacred  of  all  obligations  and  the  wisest  and 
most  safe  course  to  pursue. 

Seventeenth.  He  advocated  a  just  and  equita 
ble  bankrupt  law  as  beneficial  to  the  country  at 
large,  because  after  the  means  to  discharge  debts 
had  entirely  been  exhausted,  not  to  discharge 
them  only  served  to  dispirit  the  debtor,  sink  him 
into  a  state  of  apathy,  make  him  a  useless  drone 
in  society,  or  a  vicious  member  of  it,  if  not  a  feel 
ing  witness  of  the  rigor  and  inhumanity  of  his 
country.  Oppressive  debt  being  the  bane  of  en 
terprise,  it  should  be  the  care  of  the  Republic  not 
to  exert  a  grinding  power  over  misfortune  and 
poverty. 

Eighteenth.  He  declared  in  favor  of  the  prin 
ciple  that  no  money  should  be  expended  until  first 
appropriated  for  the  purpose  by  the  Legislature. 
The  people  paid  the  taxes,  and  their  direct  repre 
sentatives  should  alone  have  the  right  to  say  what 
they  should  be  taxed  for,  in  what  sums,  and  how 
and  when  it  should  be  paid. 

Nineteenth.  He  utterly  opposed  the  system  of 
Government  aiding  private  corporations  in  mak 
ing  internal  improvements.  It  was  deceptive  and 
conducive  of  improvidence  in  the  expenditure  of 
public  moneys.  For  this  purpose  appropriations 
could  be  obtained  with  greater  facilities,  granted 


DEMOCRA  TIC  PRINCIPLES. 


401 


with  inadequate  security,  and  frequently  compli 
cated  the  adminstration  of  Government. 

Twentieth.  The  operations  of  the  General  Gov 
ernment  should  be  strictly  confined  to  the  few 
simple  but  important  objects  for  which  it  was  origi 
nally  designed. 

Twenty-first.  He  favored  the  veto  power  in  the 
Executive,  but  only  to  be  exercised  in  cases  of  at 
tempted  violaton  of  the  Constitution,  or  in  cases 
next  to  it  in  importance. 

Twenty-second.  '  He  advocated  State  rights  as 
far  as  consistent  with  the  rightful  action  of  the 
General  Government  as  the  very  best  means  of 
preserving  harmony  between  them  ;  and  pro 
nounced  this  the  true  faith,  and  the  one  to  which 
might  be  mainly  attributed  the  success  of  the  en 
tire  system,  and  to  which  alone  we  must  look  for 
stability  in  it. 

Twenty-third.  He  advocated  "  a  uniform  and 
sound  currency,"  but  doubted  the  constitutionality 
and  expediency  of  a  National  Bank  ;  and  after 
ward  made  his  Administration  famous  by  suc 
cessful  opposing  the  renewal  of  its  charter. 

Twenty-fourth.  Precious  metals  as  the  only  cur 
rency  known  to  the  Constitution.  Their  peculiar 
properties  rendered  them  the  standard  of  values 
in  other  countries,  and  had  been  adopted  in  this. 
The  experience  of  the.  evils  of  paper  money  had 
made  it  so  obnoxious  in  the  past  that  the  framers 
of  the  Constitution  had  forbidden  its  adoption  as 
the  legal-tender  currency  of  the  country. 


4Q2  DEMOCRATIC  rKIXCIPLF.S. 

Variableness  must  ever  be  the  characteristic  of 
a  currency  not  based  upon  those  metals.  Expan 
sion  and  contraction,  without  regard  to  principles 
which  regulate  the  value  of  those  metals  as  a 
standard  in  the  general  trade  of  the  world,  were, 
he  said,  extremely  pernicious. 

Where  these  properties  are  not  infused  into  the 
circulation,  and  do  not  control  it,  prices  must  vary 
according  to  the  tide  of  the  issue  ;  the  value  and 
stability  of  property  exposed,  uncertainty  attend 
the  administration  of  institutions  constantly  liable 
to  temptations  of  an  interest  distinct  from  that  of 
the  community  at  large,  all  this  attended  by  loss 
to  the  laboring  class,  who  have  neither  time  nor 
opportunity  to  watch  the  ebb  and  flow  of  the 
money  market. 

Twenty -fiftli.  He  renews  his  advocacy  of  a 
cheerful  compliance  with  the  will  of  the  majority  ; 
and  the  exercise  of  the  power  as  expressed  in  a 
spirit  of  moderation,  justice  and  brotherly  kind- 
as  the  best  means  to  cement  and  forever  pre 
serve  the  Union.  Those,  he  closes,  who  advocate 
sentiments  adverse  to  those  expressed,  however 
honest,  are,  in  effect,  the  worst  enemies  of  their 
country. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE    PRINCIPLES    OF    TILDEN. 

TH  E  fundamental  principles  of  liberty 
adapted  to  a  republican  form  of  govern 
ment  were  thus  laid  down  by  Washington, 
Jefferson,  Madison,  and  Jackson, 'and  carried  out 
by  a  long  line  of  public  men  in  legislation  and 
the  concerns  of  government.  Among  the  men 
who  did  much  to  preserve  and  maintain  these 
principles  of  popular  government,  in  which  the 
relations  of  the  General  Government  to  the  States 
and  the  relation  of  both  to  the  people  were  pre 
served  in  true  adjustment,  was  Samuel  J.  Tilden, 
elected  President  in  1876  by  the  people  and  by 
a  majority  of  the  honestly  chosen  electors,  and 
defrauded  of  the  office  as  the  successful  result  of 
a  dastardly  conspiracy. 

Mr.  Tilden  began  to  take  an  active  part  in  the 
discussion  of  serious  political  questions  as  early 
as  1833,  when  the  question  of  the  right  of  a  State 
to  nullify  the  laws  of  the  United  States  was  the 
dominant  one.  He  had  early  been  brought  into 
close  personal  and  political  association  with  Mar 
tin  Van  Buren,  Silas  Wright,  and  other  leaders  of 
the  Democratic  party  in  the  State  of  New  York, 
and  by  their  advice  contributed  to  the  discussion 
of  the  issues  then  uppermost  in  the  public  mind. 

403 


404 


LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 


From  that  time,  when  he  contributed  to  the  local 
newspapers  of  his  native  county,  until  his  death 
in  1886,  his  letters,  speeches,  and  legal  arguments 
form  a  body  of  constitutional  interpretation  which, 
in  both  quantity  and  value,  are  of  the  highest  im 
portance  to  the  student  of  political  history.  It  is 
difficult  to  make  any  selection  from  all  this  body 
of  Tilden's  writings  which  will  fairly  represent 
him,  but  the  following  extracts  give *a  fair  idea  of 
his  devotion  to  his  country  and  to  Democratic 
principles : 

"  It  is  no  part  of  the  duty  of  the  State  to  coerce 
the  individual  man,  except  so  far  as  his  conduct 
may  affect  others,  not  remotely  and  consequen 
tially,  but  by  violating  rights  which  legislation  can 
recognize  and  undertake  to  protect." 

"The  reason  why  self-government  is  better 
than  government  by  any  one  man,  or  by  a  foreign 
people,  is  that  the  policy  evolved  by  this  process 
is  generally  better  adapted  to  the  actual  condition 
of  the  society  on  which  it  is  to  operate." 

"  Every  business,  every  industrial  interest,  is 
paralyzed  under  excessive  taxation,  false  systems 
of  finance,  extravagant  cost  of  protection,  dimin 
ished  ability  to  consume." 

1  These  taxes,  when  laid  on  imports  in  the  man 
ner  in  which  they  were  laid  in  the  Congressional 


THE  PRINCIPLES  OF  TILDEN. 


405 


carnival  of  manufacturers  which  framed  our 
present  tariff,  cause  a  misapplication  of  industry 
that  charges  on  the  consumer  what  neither  the 
Government  is  able  to  collect  as  taxes,  nor  the 
manufacturer  to  appropriate  as  profits.  They 
lessen  the  productive  power  of  human  labor  as  if 
God  had  cursed  it  with  ungenial  climate  or  sterile 
soil." 


"  There  is  no  royal  road  for  a  government  more 
than  for  an  individual  or  a  corporation.  What 
you  want  to  do  is  to  cut  down  your  expenses  and 
live  within  your  income.  I  would  give  all  the 
legerdemain  of  finance  and  financiering — I  would 
give  the  whole  of  it — for  the  old  homely  maxim, 
'Live  within  your  income." 

"  Disunion  and  centralization  are  equally  fatal 
to  £Ood  crovernment." 

o  o 

"When  the  two  ideas  of  personal  gain  and  the 
bestowal  of  office  are  allowed  to  be  in  our  mind 
at  the  same  time  they  will  become  associated,  and 
it  is  but  a  step  to  the  sale  of  the  greatest  trusts. 
Intellect,  training,  and  virtue  will  soon  succumb  to 
wealth.  Vulgar  millionaires  will  grasp  the  highest 
seats  of  honor  and  power  as  they  would  put  a 
new  emblazonment  on  their  carriages  or  a  gaudy 
livery  on  their  servants." 


406  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

"  Principles  are  the  test  of  political  character. 
The  Democracy  always  made  fidelity  to  official 
trust  and  justice  to  the  toiling-  masses  who  earn 
their  bread  by  the  sweat  of  their  brow  a  funda 
mental  article  in  their  party  creed." 

"  I  myself  never  lost  courage,  never  lost  my 
belief  that  the  element  of  human  society  which 
seeks  for  what  is  good  is  more  powerful,  if  we 
will  trust  it,  than  all  those  selfish  combinations 
that  would  obtain  unjust  advantage  over  the 
masses  of  the  people." 


"Whoever  obstructs  the  means  of  payment  ob 
structs  also  the  facilities  of  sale.  We  must  relax 
our  barbarous  revenue  system  so  as  not  to  retard 
the  natural  processes  of  trade.  We  must  no 
longer  legislate  against  the  wants  of  humanity 
and  the  beneficence  of  God." 


'  The  pecuniary  sacrifices  of  the  people  are  not 
to  be  measured  by  the  receipts  into  the  Treasury. 
They  are  vastly  greater.  -A  tax  that  starts  in  its 
career  by  disturbing  the  productive  power  of  la 
bor,  and  then  comes  to  the  consumer  distended 
by  profits  of  successive  intermediaries  and  by  in 
surance  against  the  risks  of  a  fickle  or  uncertain 
govermental  policy  and  of  a  fluctuating  govern 
mental  standard  of  value,  blights  human  well-being 
at  every  step.  When  it  reaches  the  hapless  child 


THE  PRINCIPLES  OF  TILDEN.  407 

of  toil  who  buys  his  bread  by  the  single  loaf  and 
his  fuel  by  the  basket,  it  devours  his  earnings  and 
inflicts  starvation." 

"The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  by 
its  own  terms  declared  to  be  perpetual.  The 
government  created  by  its  acts,  within  the  sphere 
of  its  powers,  directly  upon  each  individual  citizen. 
No  State  is  authorized,  in  any  contingency,  to 
suspend  or  obstruct  that  action,  or  to  exempt  any 
citizen  from  the  obligation  to  obedience.  Any 
pretended  act  of  nullification  or  secession  where 
by  such  effect  is  attempted 'to  be  produced  is  ab 
solutely  void." 


"  *  *  Our  wise  ancestors  warned  us  against 
standing  armies  and  all  those  false  systems  of 
government  which  require  standing  armies.  They 
formed  the  Union  of  the  States  that  we  might  be 
free  from  the  jealousies  of  coterminous  countries, 
which  has  been  the  usual  pretext  of  tyrants  for 
maintaining  costly  military  establishments.  They 
founded  that  Union  on  the  principles  of  local 
self-government,  to  be  everywhere  carried  on  by 
the  voluntary  co-operation  of  the  governed.  They 
did  not  intend  that  one  part  of  our  country  should 
govern  another  part." 


«   * 


destruction  of  all  local  self-govern 
ment  in  a  country  so  extensive  as  ours,  and  em- 


408  LIFE  OF  G ROVER  CLEVELAND. 

bracing  such  elements  of  diversity  in  habits,  man 
ners,  opinions,  and  interests,  and  the  exercises  by 
a  single  centralized  authority  of  all  the  powers  of 
society  over  so  vast  a  region  and  over  such  pop 
ulation  would  entail  upon  us  an  indefinite  series 
of  civic  commotions,  and  repeat  here  the  worst 
crimes  and  worst  calamities  of  history." 

"  Our  wise  ancestors  warned  us  that  this  grand 
experiment  in  self-government  would  turn  on  the 
intelligence  and  virtue  of  the  people,  and  that 
our  efforts  to  cultivate  and  elevate  must  be  com 
mensurate  with  our  diffusion  of  political  rights 
and  political  powers.  It  is  a  great  partnership  in 
self-government.  Every  man  yields  a  share  in 
the  government  of  himself  to  every  other  man, 
and  acquires  a  share  in  the  government  over  that 
other  man." 

14  The  immigrants  who  have  contributed  so  much 
to  swell  the  population  of  our  Northern  States 
spring  from  the  same  parent  stocks  with  ourselves. 
They  come  to  rejoin  their  kindred.  Races  have 
a  growth  and  culture  as  well  as  individuals.  What 
a  race  has  been  many  centuries  in  accumulating 
is  often  appropriated  and  developed  in  an  indi 
vidual  life,  in  the  ascent  from  the  humblest  origin 
to  the  highest  attainments  of  the  species.  Our 
accessions  are  drawn  from  races  which  has  lived 
under  essentially  the  same  climatic  influences 


THE  PRINCIPLES  OF  TILDEN.  409 

with  ourselves,  which  have  attained  the  highest 
civilization  and  made  the  largest  progress  in  the 
arts  and  industries  of  mankind.  They  are  at 
tracted  here  by  their  aspirations  for  civil  liberty, 
or  for  the  improvement  of  their  personal  condi 
tion  ;  and  every  aspiration  ennobles.  They  are 
well  represented  in  all  our  occupations  which  call 
for  intellect  and  culture,  and  even  the  portion- 
which  come  to  fill  the  ranks  of  raw  labor,  made 
vacant  by  the  ascent  to  more  skilled  and  more 
remunerative  employments,  which  our  universal 
education  opens  to  all,  show  a  capacity  quickly  to 
follow  in  the  noble  competition  for  improvement." 

"There  is  no  instrumentality  in  human  society 
so  potential  in  its  influence  upon  mankind,  for 
good  or  evil,  as  the  governmental  machinery  for 
administering  justice  and  for  making  and  execu 
ting  laws.  Not  all  the  eleemosynary  institutions 
of  private  benevolence  to  which  philanthropists 
may  devote  their  lives,  are  so  fruitful  in  benefits 
as  the  rescue  and  preservation  of  this  machinery 
from  the  perversions  that  make  it  the  instrument 
of  conspiracy,  fraud,  and  crime  against  the  most 
sacred  rights  and  interests  of  the  people." 

"  Every  power  is  a  trust  and  involves  a  duty." 

"  All  history  shows  that  reform  in  Government 
must  not  be  expected  from  those  who  sit  serenely 


410 


LIFE  OF-   G ROVER  CLETELAXD. 


on  the  social  mountain  tops,  enjoying  the  benefits 
of  the  existing  order  of  things.  Even  the  Divine 
Author  of  our  religion  found  His  followers,  not 
among  the  self-complacent  Pharisees,  but  among 
lowly  minded  fishermen." 

11  The  Republican  party  is  largely  made  up  of 
those  who  live  by  their  wits,  and  who  aspire  in 
politics  to  advantages  over  the  rest  of  mankind 
similar  to  those  which  their  daily  lives  are  devoted 
to  securing  in  private  business. 

"The  Democratic  party  consists  largely  of  those 
who  live  by  the  work  of  their  hands,  and  whose 
political  action  is  governed  by  their  sentiments  or 
imagination. 

"It  results  that  the  Democratic  party,  more  read 
ily  than  the  Republican  party,  can  be  molded  to 
the  support  of  reform  measures  which  involve  a 
sacrifice  of  selfish  interests." 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE    PRINCIPLES    OF    TARIFF    REFORM. 

FOLLOWING    is    the   famous    message    of 
December,   1887,  sent  by  President  Cleve 
land  to  the  first  session  of  the  Fiftieth  Con 
gress  :— 

To  the  Congress  of  the  United  States: — 

You  are  confronted  at  the  threshold  of  your 
legislative  duties  with  a  condition  of  the  national 
finances  which  imperatively  demands  immediate 
and  careful  consideration. 

The  amount  of  money  annually  exacted,  through 
the  operation  of  present  laws,  from  the  industries 
and  necessities  of  the  people,  largely  exceeds  the 
sum  necessary  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  Gov 
ernment. 

When  we  consider  that  the  theory  of  our  insti 
tutions  guarantees  to  every  citizen  the  full  enjoy 
ment  of  all  the  fruits  of  his  industry  and  enter 
prise,  with  only  such  deduction  as  may  be  his 
share  toward  the  careful  and  economical  main 
tenance  of  the  Government  which  protects  him,  it 
is  plain  that  the  exaction  of  more  than  this  is  in 
defensible  extortion,  and  a  culpable  betrayal  of 
American  fairness  and  justice.  This  wrong  in 
flicted  upon  those  who  bear  the  burden  of  national 

411 


4 1  2  DEMOCRA  TIC  PRINCIPLES. 

taxation,  like  other  wrongs,  multiplies  a  brood  of 
evil  consequences.  The  public  treasury,  which 
should  only  exist  as  a  conduit  conveying  the 
people's  tribute  to  its  legitimate  objects  of  expend 
iture,  becomes  a  hoarding-place  for  money  need 
lessly  withdrawn  from  trade  and  the  people's  use, 
thus  crippling  our  national  energies,  suspending 
our  country's  development,  preventing  investment 
in  productive  enterprise,  threatening  financial  dis 
turbance,  and  inviting  schemes  of  public  plunder. 

This  condition  of  our  treasury  is  not  altogether 
new ;  and  it  has  more  than  once  of  late  been  sub 
mitted  to  the  people's  representatives  in  the  Con 
gress,  who  alone  can  apply  a  remedy.  And  yet 
the  situation  still  continues,  with  aggravated  inci 
dents,  more  than  ever  presaging  financial  convul 
sion  and  widespread  disaster. 

It  will  not  do  to  neglect  this  situation  because 
its  dangers  are  not  now  palpably  imminent  and 
apparent.  They  exist  none  the  less  certainly,  and 
await  the  unforeseen  and  unexpected  occasion 
when  suddenly  they  will  be  precipitated  upon  us. 

On  the  30th  day  of  June,  1885,  tne  excess  of 
revenues  over  public  expenditures  after  comply 
ing  with  the  annual  requirement  of  the  sinking- 
fund  act,  was  $17,859,735.84;  during  the  year 
ended  June  3Oth,  1886,  such  excess  amounted  to 
$49,405,545.20;  and  during  the  year  ended  June 
5<>ih,  1887,  it  reached  the  sum  of  $55,567,849.54. 

The  annual   contributions   to  the  sinking  fund 


DEMOCRA  TIC  PRINCIPLES.  A  I  7 

during  the  three  years  above  specified,  amounting 
in  the  aggregate  to  $138,058,320.94,  and  deducted 
from  the  surplus  as  stated,  were  made  by  calling 
in  for  that  purpose  outstanding  three  per  cent, 
bonds  of  the  Government.  During  the  six  months 
prior  tojune  3Oth,  1887,  the  surplus  revenue  had 
grown  so  large  by  repeated  accumulations,  and  it 
was  feared  the  withdrawal  of  this  great  sum  of 
money  needed  by  the  people,  would  so  affect  the 
business  of  the  country,  that  the  sum  of  $79,864,- 
100  of  such  surplus  was  applied  to  the  payment 
of  the  principal  and  interest  of  the  three  per  cent, 
bonds  still  outstanding,  and  which  were  then  pay 
able  at  the  option  of  the  Government.  The  pre 
carious  condition  of  financial  affairs  among  the 
people  still  needing  relief,  immediately  after  the 
3Oth  day  of  June,  1887,  the  remainder  of  the  three 
per  cent,  bonds  then  outstanding,  amounting  with 
principal  and  interest  to  the  sum  of  $18,877,500, 
were  called  in  and  applied  to  the  sinking-fund  con 
tribution  for  the  current  fiscal  year.  Notwith 
standing  these  operations  of  the  Treasury  De 
partment,  representations  of  distress  in  business 
circles  not  only  continued  but  increased,  and 
absolute  peril  seemed  at  hand.  In  these  circum 
stances  the  contribution  to  the  sinking  fund  for 
the  current  fiscal  year  was  at  once  completed  by 
the  expenditure  of  $27,684,283.55  in  the  purchase 
of  Government  bonds  not  yet  clue  bearing  four 
and  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  interest,  the  pre- 


DEMOCRA  TIC  PRINCIPLES. 

mium  paid  thereon  averaging  about  twenty-four 
per  cent,  for  the  former  and  eight  per  cent,  for 
the  latter.  In  addition  to  this  the  interest  accru 
ing  during  the  current  year  upon  the  outstanding 
bonded  indebtedness  of  the  Government  was  to 
some  extent  anticipated,  and  banks  selected  as 
depositories  of  public  money  were  permitted  to 
somewhat  increase  their  deposits. 

While  the  expedients  thus  employed  to  release 
to  the  people  the  money  lying  idle  in  the  Treasury 
served  to  avert  immediate  danger,  our  surplus 
revenues  have  continued  to  accumulate,  the  excess 
for  the  present  year  amounting  on  the  first  day  of 
December  to  $55,258,701.19,  and  estimated  to 
reach  the  sum  of  $i  13,000,000  on  the  3oth  of  June 
next,  at  which  date  it  is  expected  that  this  sum, 
added  to  prior  accumulations,  will  swell  the  sur 
plus  in  the  Treasury  to  $140,000,000. 

There  seems  to  be  no  assurance  that,  with  such 
a  withdrawal  from  use  of  the  people's  circula 
ting  medium,  our  business  community  may  not  in 
the  near  future  be  subjected  to  the  same  distress 
which  was  quite  lately  produced  from  the  same 
cause.  And  while  the  functions  of  our  National 
Treasury  should  be  few  and  simple,  and  while  its 
best  condition  would  be  reached,  I  believe,  by  i:s 
entire  disconnection  with  private  business  inter 
ests,  yet  when,  by  a  perversion  of  its  purposes,  it 
idly  holds  money  uselessly  subtracted  from  the 
channels  of  trade,  there  seems  to  be  reason  for  the 


CHARLES   F.   CRISP, 
Speaker  of  the  House. 


DEMO  CRA  TIC  PR7NCIPL ES.  4  j  c 

claim  that  some  legitimate  means  should  be  de 
vised  by  the  Government  to  restore  in  an  emer 
gency,  without  waste  or  extravagance,  such  money 
to  its  place  among  the  people. 

If  such  an  emergency  arises  there  now  exists 
no  clear  and  undoubted  executive  power  of  relief. 
Heretofore  the  redemption  of  three  per  cent,  bonds, 
which  were  payable  at  the  option  of  the  Govern 
ment,  has  afforded  a  means  for  the  disbursement 
of  the  excess  of  our  revenues  ;  but  these  bonds 
have  all  been  retired,  and  there  are  no  bonds  out 
standing  the  payment  of  which  we  have  the  right  to 
insist  upon.  The  contribution  to  the  sinking  fund 
which  furnishes  the  occasion  for  expenditure  in 
the  purchase  of  bonds  has  been  already  made  for 
the  current  year,  so  that  there  is  no  outlet  in  that 
direction. 

In  the  present  state  of  legislation  the  only  pre 
tense  of  any  existing  executive  power  to  restore, 
at  this  time,  any  part  of  our  surplus  revenues  to 
the  people  by  its  expenditure,  consists  in  the  suppo 
sition  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may  enter 
the  market  and  purchase  the  bonds  of  the  Govern 
ment  not  yet  due,  at  a  rate  of  premium  to  be 
agreed  upon.  The  only  provision  of  law  from 
which  such  power  could  be  derived  is  found  in 
an  appropriation  bill  passed  a  number  of  years 
ago  ;  and  it  is  subject  to  the  suspicion  that  it  was 
intended  as  temporary  and  limited  in  its  applica 
tion,  instead  of  conferring  a  continuing  discretion 


4 1  6  DEMOCRA  TIC  PRINCIPLES. 

and  authority.  No  condition  ought  to  exist  which 
\\ould  justify  the  grant  of  power  to  a  single  offi 
cial,  upon  his  judgment  of  its  necessity,  to  withhold 
from  or  release  to  the  business  of  the  people,  in  an 
unusual  manner,  money  held  in  the  Treasury,  and 
thus  affect,  at  his  will,  the  financial  situation  of  the 
country  ;  and  if  it  is  deemed  wise  to  lodge  in  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  the  authority  in  the 
present  juncture  to  purchase  bonds,  it  should  be 
plainly  vested,  and  provided,  as  far  as  possible, 
with  such  checks  and  limitations  as  will  define  this 
official's  right  and  discretion,  and  at  the  same 
time  relieve  him  from  undue  responsibility. 

In  considering  the  question  of  purchasing  bonds 
as  a  means  of  restoring  to  circulation  the  surplus 
money  accumulating  in  the  Treasury,  it  should  be 
borne  in  mind  that  premiums  must  of  course  be 
paid  upon  such  purchase,  that  there  may  be  a 
large  part  of  these  bonds  held  as  investments 
which  cannot  be  purchased  at  any  price,  and  that 
combinations  among  holders  who  are  willing  to 
sell,  may  unreasonably  enhance  the  cost  of  such 
bonds  to  the  Government. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  present  bonded 
debt  might  be  refunded  at  a  less  rate  of  interest, 
and  the  difference  between  the  old  and  new  se 
curity  paid  in  cash,  thus  finding  use  for  the  surplus 
in  the  Treasury.  The  success  of  this  plan,  it  is 
apparent,  must  depend  upon  the  volition  of  the 
holders  of  the  present  bonds  ;  and  it  is  not  entirely 


DEMOCRA  TIC  PRINCIPLES.  4 1  j 

certain  that  the  inducement  which  must  be  offered 
them  would  result  in  more  financial  benefit  to  the 
Government  than  the  purchase  of  bonds  while  the 
latter  proposition  would  reduce  the  principal  of  the 
debt  by  actual  payment,  instead  of  extending  it. 

The  proposition  to  deposit  the  money  held  by 
the  Government  in  banks  throughout  the  country, 
for  use  by  the  people,  is,  it  seems  to  me,  exceed 
ingly  objectionable  in  principle,  as  establishing  too 
close  a  relationship  between  the  operations  of  the 
Government  Treasury  and  the  business  of  the 
country,  and  too  extensive  a  commingling  of  their 
money,  thus  fostering  an  unnatural  reliance  in 
private  business  upon  public  funds.  If  this  scheme 
should  be  adopted,  it  should  only  be  done  as  a 
temporary  expedient  to  meet  an  urgent  neces 
sity.  Legislative  and  executive  effort  should  gen 
erally  be  in  the  opposite  direction,  and  should  have 
a  tendency  to  divorce,  as  much  and  as  fast  as  can 
safely  be  done,  the  Treasury  Department  from 
private  enterprise. 

Of  course  it  is  not  expected  that  unnecessary 
and  extravagant  appropriations  will  be  made  for 
the  purpose  of  avoiding  the  accumulation  of  an 
excess  of  revenue.  Such  expenditure,  beside  the 
demoralization  of  all  just  conceptions  of  public 
duty  which  it  entails,  stimulates  a  habit  of  reckless 
improvidence  not  in  the  least  consistent  with  the 
mission  of  our  people  or  the  high  and  beneficent 
purposes  of  our  Government. 


A  l  g  DEMOCRA  TIC  PRINCIPLES. 

I  have  deemed  it  my  duty  to  thus  bring  to  the 
knowledge  of  my  countrymen,  as  well  as  to  the 
attention  of  their  representatives  charged  with  the 
responsibility  of  legislative  relief,  the  gravity  of 
our  financial  situation.  The  failure  of  the  Congress 
heretofore  to  provide  against  the  dangers  which 
it  was  quite  evident  the  very  nature  of  the  diffi 
culty  must  necessarily  produce,  caused  a  condition 
of  financial  distress  and  apprehension  since  your 
last  adjournment  which  taxed  to  the  utmost  all 
the  authority  and  expedients  within  executive 
control  ;  and  these  appear  now  to  be  exhausted. 
If  disaster  results  from  the  continued  inaction  of 
Congress,  the  responsibility  must  rest  where  it 
belongs. 

Though    the   situation    thus    far   considered  is 

o 

fraught  with  danger  which  should  be  fully  realized, 
and  though  it  presents  features  of  wrong  to  the 
people  as  well  as  peril  to  the  country,  it  is  but  a 
result  growing  out  of  a  perfectly  palpable  and 
apparent  cause,  constantly  reproducing  the  same 
alarming  circumstances — a  congested  national 
treasury  and  a  depleted  monetary  condition  in  the 
business  of  the  country.  It  need  hardly  be  stated 
that  while  the  present  situation  demands  a  remedy, 
we  can  only  be  saved  from  a  like  predicament  in 
the  future  by  the  removal  of  its  cause. 

Our  scheme  of  taxation,  by  means  of  which 
this  nc-cdlcss  surplus  is  taken  from  the  people  and 
put  in  the  public  treasury,  consists  of  a  tariff  or 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES.  419 

duty  levied  upon  importations  from  abroad,  and 
internal  revenue  taxes  levied  upon  the  consump 
tion  of  tobacco  and  spirituous  and  malt  liquors. 
It  must  be  conceded  that  none  of  the  things  sub 
jected  to  internal  revenue  taxation  are,  strictly 
speaking,  necessaries  ;  there  appears  to  be  no  just 
complaint  of  this  taxation  by  the  consumers  of 
these  articles,  and  there  seems  to  be  nothing  so 
well  able  to  bear  the  burden  without  hardship  to 
any  portion  of  the  people. 

But  our  present  tariff  laws,  the  vicious,  inequi 
table  and  illogical  source  of  unnecessary  taxation, 
ought  to  be  at  once  revised  and  amended.  These 
laws,  as  their  primary  and  plain  effect,  raise  the 
price  to  consumers  of  all  articles  imported  and 
subject  to  duty,  by  precisely  the  sum  paid  for  such 
duties.  Thus  the  amount  of  the  duty  measures  the 
tax  paid  by  those  who  purchase  for  use  these  im 
ported  articles.  Many  of  these  things,  however, 
are  raised  or  manufactured  in  our  own  country, 
and  the  duties  now  levied  upon  foreign  goods  and 
products  are  called  protection  to  these  home 
manufactures,  because  they  render  it  possible  for 
those  of  our  people  who  are  manufacturers  to 
make  these  taxed  articles  and  sell  them  for  a  price 
equal  to  that  demanded  for  the  imported  goods 
that  have  paid  customs  duty.  So  it  happens  that 
while  comparatively  a  few  use  the  imported  articles, 
millions  of  our  people,  who  never  use  and  never 
saw  any  of  the  foreign  products,  purchase  and  use 


420  DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

things  of  the  same  kind  made  in  this  country,  and 
pay  therefor  nearly  or  quite  the  same  enhanced 
price  which  the  duty  adds  to  the  imported  articles. 
Those  who  buy  imports  pay  the  duty  charged  there 
on  into  the  public  treasury,  but  the  great  majority 
of  our  citizens,  who  buy  domestic  articles  of  the 
same  class,  pay  a  sum  at  least  approximately  equal 
to  this  duty  to  the  home  manufacturer.  This  ref 
erence  to  the  operation  of  our  tariff  laws  is  not 
made  by  way  of  instruction,  but  in  order  that  we 
may  be  constantly  reminded  of  the  manner  in 
which  they  impose  a  burden  upon  those  who  con 
sume  domestic  products  as  well  as  those  who  con 
sume  imported  articles,  and  thus  create  a  tax  upon 
all  our  people. 

It  is  not  proposed  to  entirely  relieve  the  country 
of  this  taxation.  It  must  be  extensively  continued 
as  the  source  of  the  Government's  income;  and 
in  a  readjustment  of  our  tariff  the  interests  of 
American  labor  engaged  in  manufacture  should 
be  carefully  considered,  as  well  as  the  preservation 
of  our  manufacturers.  It  may  be  called  protection, 
or  by  any  other  name,  but  relief  from  the  hard 
ships  and  dangers  of  our  present  tariff  laws  should 
be  devised  with  especial  precaution  against  imperil 
ing  the  existence  of  our  manufacturing  interests. 
Hut  this  existence  should  not  mean  a  condition 
which,  without  regard  to  the  public  welfare  or  a 
national  exigency,  must  always  insure  the  realiza 
tion  of  immense  profits  instead  of  moderately 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES.  42! 

profitable  .returns.  As  the  volume  and  diversity 
of  our  national  activities  increase,  new  recruits  are 
added  to  those  who  desire  a  continuation  of  the 
advantages  which  they  conceive  the  present  system 
of  tariff  taxation  directly  affords  them.  So  stub 
bornly  have  all  efforts  to  reform  the  present  con 
dition  been  resisted  by  those  of  our  fellow-citizens 
thus  engaged,  that  they  can  hardly  complain  of  the 
suspicion,  entertained  to  a  certain  extent,  that 
there  exists  an  organized  combination  all  along 
the  line  to  maintain  their  advantage. 

We  are  in  the  midst  of  centennial  celebrations, 
and  with  becoming  pride  we  rejoice  in  American 
skill  and  ingenuity,  in  American  energy  and  en 
terprise,  and  in  the  wonderful  natural  advantages 
and  resources  developed  by  a  century's  national 
growth.  Yet  when  an  attempt  is  made  to  justify  a 
scheme  which  permits  a  tax  to  be  laid  upon  every 
consumer  in  the  land  for  the  benefit  of  our  manu 
facturers,  quite  beyond  a  reasonable  demand  tor 
governmental  regard,  it  suits  the  purposes  of  ad 
vocacy  to  call  our  manufactures  infant  industries, 
still  needing  the  highest  and  greatest  degree  of 
favor  and  fostering  care  that  can  be  wrung  from 
Federal  legislation. 

It  is  also  said  that  the  increase  in  the  price  of 
domestic  manufactures  resulting  from  the  present 
tariff  is  necessary  in  order  that  higher  wages  may 
be  paid  to  our  workingmen  employed  in  manufac 
tories  than  are  paid  for  what  is  called  the  pauper 


4.22  DEMOCRATIC  ntlXCIi'LES. 

labor  of  Europe.  All  will  acknowledge  the  force 
of  an  argument  which  involves  the  welfare  and 
liberal  compensation  of  our  laboring  people.  Our 
labor  is  honorable  in  the  eyes  of  every  Ameri 
can  citizen  ;  and  as  it  lies  at  the  foundation  of  our 
lopment  and  progress,  it  is  entitled,  without 
affectation  or  hypocrisy,  to  the  utmost  regard. 
The  standard  of  our  laborers'  life  should  not  be 
measured  by  that  of  any  other  country  less  fa 
vored,  and  they  are  entitled  to  their  full  share  of 
all  our  advantages. 

By  the  last  census  it  is  made  to  appear  that  of 
the  17,392,0990!"  our  population  engaged  in  all 
kinds  of  industries  7,670,493  are  employed  in 
agriculture-,  4,074,238  in  professional  and  personal 
service  (2.934,876  of  whom  are  domestic  servants 
and  laborers),  while  1,810,256  are  employed  in 
trade  and  transportation,  and  3,837,  i  i  2  are  classed 
as  employed  in  manufacturing  and  mining. 

For  present  purposes,  however,  the  last  number 
given  should  be  considerably  reduced.  Without 
Attempting  to  enumerate  all,  it  will  be.  conceded 
that  there  should  be  deducted  from  those  which  it 
includes  375,143  carpenters  and  joiners,  285,401 
milliners,  dressmakers  and  seamstresses,  172,726 
blacksmiths,  1 33,756tailorsand  tailoresses,  102,473 
masons,  76,241  butchers,  41, 309  bakers,  2  2,083  plas- 
rs,  and  4891  engaged  in  manufacturing  agri 
cultural  implements,  amounting  in  the  aggregate  to 
1,214,023,  leaving  2,623,089  persons  employed  iu 


DEM  OCR.  I  TIC  PRINCIPLES. 


423 


such  manufacturing  industries  as  are  claimed  to  be 
benefited  by  a  high  tariff. 

To  these  the  appeal  is  made  to  save  their  em 
ployment  and  maintain  their  wages  by  resisting  a 
change.  There  should  be  no  disposition  to  answer 
such  suggestions  by  the  allegation  that  they  are  in 
a  minority  among  those  who  labor,  and  therefore 
should  forego  no  advantage,  in  the  interest  of  low 
prices  for  the  majority ;  their  compensation,  as  it 
may  be  affected  by  the  operation  of  tariff  laws, 
should  at  all  times  be  scrupulously  kept  in  view ; 
and  yet  with  slight  reflection  they  will  not  overlook 
the  fact  that  they  are  consumers  with  the  rest; 
that  they,  too,  have  their  own  wants  and  those  of 
their  families  to  supply  from  their  earnings,  and 
that  the  price  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  as  well  as 
the  amount  of  their  wa^es,  will  regulate  the  meas- 

O  '  O 

ure  of  their  welfare  and  comfort. 

But  the  reduction  of  taxation  demanded  should 
be  so  measured  as  not  to  necessitate  or  justify 
either  the  loss  of  employment  by  the  working- 
man  nor  the  lessening  of  his  wa^es ;  and  the 

C>  O  •      '•* 

profits  still  remaining  to  the  manufacturer,  after  a 
necessary  readjustment,  should  furnish  no  excuse 
for  the  sacrifice  of  the  interests  of  his  employes 
either  in  their  opportunity  to  work  or  in  the  dimi 
nution  of  their  compensation.  Nor  can  the  worker 
in  manufactures  fail  to  understand  that  while  a 
high  tariff  is  claimed  to  be  necessary  to  allow  the 


424 


DEMOCJKA  TIC  PRINCIPLES. 


payment  of  remunerative  wages,  it  certainly  re 
sults  in  a  very  large  increase  in  the  price  of  nearly 
all  sorts  of  manufactures,  which,  in  almost  count 
less  forms,  he  needs  for  the  use  of  himself  and  his 
family.  He  receives  at  the  desk  of  his  employer 
his  wages,  and  perhaps  before  he  reaches  his 
home  is  obliged,  in  a  purchase  for  family  use  of 
an  article  which  embraces  his  own  labor,  to  return 
in  the  payment  of  the  increase  in  price  which  the 
tariff  permits,  the  hard-earned  compensation  of 
many  days  of  toil. 

The  farmer  and  the  agriculturist  who  manufac 
ture  nothing,  but  who  pay  the  increased  pricewhich 
the  tariff  imposes,  upon  every  agricultural  imple 
ment,  upon  all  he  wears  and  upon  all  he  uses  and 
owns,  except  the  increase  of  his  flocks  and  herds, 
and  such  things  as  his  husbandry  produces  from 
the  soil,  is  invited  to  aid  in  maintaining  the  pres 
ent  situation  ;  and  he  is  told  that  a  high  duty  on 
imported  wool  is  necessary  for  the  benefit  of  those 
who  have  sheep  to  shear,  in  order  that  the  price 
of  their  wool  may  be  increased.  They  of  course 
are  not  reminded  that  the  farmer  who  has  no  sheep 
is  by  this  scheme  obliged,  in  his  purchases  of  cloth 
ing  and  woolen  goods  to  pay  a  tribute  to  his 
fellow  farmer  as  well  as  to  the  manufacturer  and 
merchant;  nor  is  any  mention  made  of  the  fact 
that  the  sheep  owners  themselves  and  their  house 
holds  must  wear  clothing  and  use  other  articles 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES.  425 

manufactured  from  the  wool  they  sell  at  tariff 
prices,  and  tl)us  as  consumers  must  return  their 
share  of  this  increased  price  to  the  tradesman. 

I  think  it  may  be  fairly  assumed  that  a  large 
proportion  of  the  sheep  owned  by  the  farmers 
throughout  the  country  are  found  in  small  flocks 
numbering  from  twenty-five  to  fifty.  The  duty  on 
the  grade  of  imported  wool  which  these  sheep 
yield  is  ten  cents  each  pound  if  of  the  value  of 
thirty  cents  or  less,  and  twelve  cents  if  of  the  value 
of  more  than  thirty  cents.  If  the  liberal  estimate 
of  six  pounds  be  allowed  for  each  fleece,  the  duty 
t'hereon  would  be  sixty  or  seventy-two  cents,  and 
this  may  be  taken  as  the  utmost  enhancement  of 
its  price  to  the  farmer  by  reason  of  this  duty. 
Eighteen  dollars  would  thus  represent  the  in 
creased  price  of  the  wool  from  twenty-five  sheep 
and  thirty-six  dollars  that  from  the  wool  of  fifty 
sheep;  and  at  present  values  this  addition 
would  amount  to  about  one-third  of  its  price.  If 
upon  its  sale  the  farmer  receives  this  or  a  less 
tariff  profit,  the  wool  leaves  his  hands  charged 
with  precisely  that  sum,  which  in  all  its  changes 
will  adhere  to  it,  until  it  reaches  the  consumer. 
When  manufactured  into  cloth  and  other  goods 
and  material  for  use,  its  cost  is  not  only  increased 
to  the  extent  of  the  farmer's  tariff  profit,  but  a  fur 
ther  sum  has  been  added  for  the  benefit  of  the 
manufacturer  under  the  operation  of  other  tariff 
laws.  In  the  meantime  the  day  arrives  when  the 


426  DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

farmer  finds  it  necessary  to  purchase  woolen 
goods  and  material  to  clothe  himself  and  family 
for  the  winter.  When  he  faces  the  tradesman  for 
that  purpose  he  discovers  that  he  is  obliged  not 
only  to  return  in  the  way  of  increased  prices  his 
tariff  profit  on  the  wool  he  sold,  and  which  then 
perhaps  lies  before  him  in  manufactured  form,  but 
that  he  must  add  a  considerable  sum  thereto  to 
meet  a  further  increase  in  cost  caused  by  a  tariff 
duty  on  the  manufacture.  Thus  in  the  end  he  is 
aroused  to  the  fact  that  he  has  paid  upon  a  moder 
ate  purchase,  as  a  result  of  the  tariff  scheme,  which, 
when  he  sold  his  wool  seemed  so  profitable,  an 
increase  in  price  more  than  sufficient  to  sweep 
away  all  the  tariff  profit  he  recieved  upon  the  wool 
he  produced  and  sold. 

When  the  number  of  farmers  encra^ed  in  wool- 

o     o 

raising  is  compared  with  all  the  farmers  in  the 
country,  and  the  small  proportion  they  bear  to  our 
population  is  considered  ;  when  it  is  made  appar 
ent  that,  in  the  case  of  a  large  part  of  those  who 
own  sheep,  the  benefit  of  the  present  tariff  on 
wool  is  illusory ;  and,  above  all,  when  it  must  be 
conceded  that  the  increase  of  the  cost  of  living 
caused  by  such  tariff  becomes  a  burden  upon  those 
with  moderate  means  and  the  poor,  the  employed 
and  unemployed, the  sick  and  well,  and  the  young 
and  old,  and  that  it  constitutes  a  tax  which,  with 
relentless  grasp,  is  fastened  upon  the  clothing  of 
every  man,  woman  and  child  in  the  land,  reasons 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES.  427 

are  suggested  why  the  removal  or  reduction  of 
this  duty  should  be  included  in  a  revision  of  our 
tariff  laws. 

In  speaking  of  the  increased  cost  to  the  con 
sumer  of  our  home  manufactures,  resulting  from 
a  duty  laid  upon  imported  articles  of  the  same 
description,  the  fact  is  not  overlooked  that  com 
petition  among  our  domestic  producers  sometimes 
has  the  effect  of  keeping  the  price  of  their  pro 
ducts  below  the  highest  limit  allowed  by  such  duty. 
But  it  is  notorious  that  this  competition  is  too 
often  strangled  by  combinations  quite  prevalent 
at  this  time,  and  frequently  called  trusts,  which 
have  for  their  object  the  regulation  of  the  supply 
and  price  of  commodities  made  and  sold  by  mem 
bers  of  the  combination.  The  people  can  hardly 
hope  for  any  consideration  in  the  operation  of 
these  selfish  schemes. 

If,  however,  in  the  absence  of  such  combination, 
a  healthy  and  free  competition  reduces  the  price 
of  any  particular  dutiable  article  of  home  produc 
tion  below  the  limit  which  it  might  otherwise  reach 
under  our  tariff  laws,  and  if,  with  such  reduced 
price,  its  manufacture  continues  to  thrive,  it  is 
entirely  evident  that  one  thing  has  been  discovered 
which  should  be  carefully  scrutinized  in  an  effort 
to  reduce  taxation. 

The  necessity  of  combination  to  maintain  the 
price  of  any  commodity  to  the  tariff  point,  fur 
nishes  proof  that  some  one  is  willing  to  accept 


428  DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

lower  prices  for  such  commodity,  and  that  such 
prices  are  remunerative ;  and  lower  prices  pro 
duced  by  competition  prove  the  same  tiling.  Thus, 
where  either  of  these  conditions  exist,  a  case  would 
seem  to  be  presented  for  an  easy  reduction  of 
taxation. 

The  considerations  which  have  been  presented 
touching  our  tariff  laws  are  intended  only  to  en 
force  an  earnest  recommendation  that  the  surplus 
revenues  of  the  Government  be  prevented  by  the 
reduction  of  our  customs  duties,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  to  emphasize  a  suggestion  that  in  accom 
plishing  this  purpose,  we  may  discharge  a  double 
duty  to  our  people  by  granting  to  them  a  measure 
of  relief  from  tariff  taxation  in  quarters  where  it 
is  most  needed  and  from  sources  where  it  can 
be  most  fairly  and  justly  accorded. 

Nor  can  the  presentation  made  of  such  consid 
erations  be,  with  any  degree  of  fairness,  regarded 
as  evidence  of  unfriendliness  toward  our  manu 
facturing  interests,  or  of  any  lack  of  appreciation 
of  their  value  and  importance.  • 

These  interests  constitute  a  leading  and  most 
substantial  element  of  our  national  greatness  and 
furnish  the  proud  proof  of  our  country's  progress. 
But  if  in  the  emergency  that  presses  upon  us  our 
manufacturers  are  asked  to  surrender  something 

O 

for  the  public  good  and  to  avert  disaster,  their  pa 
triotism,  as  well  as  a  grateful  recognition  of  advan 
tages  already  afforded,  should  lead  them  to  willing 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES.  429 

cooperation.  No  demand  is  made  that  they  shall 
forego  all  the  benefits  of  governmental  regard ; 
but  they  cannot  fail  to  be  admonished  of  their 
duty,  as  well  as  their  enlightened  self-interest  and 
safety,  when  they  are  reminded  of  the  fact  that 
financial  panic  and  collapse,  to  which  the  present 
condition  tends,  afford  no  greater  shelter  or  pro 
tection  to  our  manufactures  than  to  our  other  im 
portant  enterprises.  Opportunity  for  safe,  care 
ful  and  deliberate  reform  is  now  offered  ;  and  none 
of  us  should  be  unmindful  of  a  time  when  an 
abused  and  irritated  people,  heedless  of  those  who 
have  resisted  timely  and  reasonable  relief,  may 
insist  upon  a  radical  and  sweeping  rectification  of 
their  wrongs. 

The  difficulty  attending  a  wise  and  fair  revision 
of  our  tariff  laws  is  not  under-estimated.  It  \vill 
require  on  the  part  of  the  Congress  great  labor 
and  care,  and  especially  a  broad  and  national  con 
templation  of  the  subject,  and  a  patriotic  disregard 
of  such  local  and  selfish  claims  as  are  unreasonable 
and  reckless  of  the  welfare  of  the  entire  country. 

Underour  present  laws  more  than  four  thousand 
articles  are  subject  to  duty.  Many  of  these  do  not 
in  any  way  compete  with  our  own  manufactures, 
and  many  are  hardly  worth  attention  as  subjects 
of  revenue.  A  considerable  reduction  can  be 
made  in  the  aggregate,  by  adding  them  to  the  free 
list.  The  taxation  of  luxuries  presents  no  features 
of  hardship  ;  but  the  necessaries  of  life  used  and 


43O  DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

consumed  by  all  the  people,  the  duty  upon  which 
adds  to  the  cost  of  living  in  every  home,  should 
be  greatly  cheapened. 

The  radical  reduction  of  theduties  imposed  upon 
raw  material  used  in  manufactures,  or  its  free  im 
portation,  is  of  course  an  important  factor  in  any 
effort  to  reduce  the  price  of  these  necessaries ;  it 
would  not  only  relieve  them  from  the  increased 
cost  caused  by  the  tariff  on  such  material,  but  the 
manufactured  product  being  thus  cheapened,  that 
part  of  the  tariff  now  laid  upon  such  product,  as 
a  compensation  to  our  manufacturers  for  the 
present  price  of  raw  material,  could  be  accord 
ingly  modified.  Such  reduction,  or  free  importa 
tion,  would  serve,  beside,  to  largely  reduce  the 
revenue.  It  is  not  apparent  how  such  a  change 
can  have  an  injurious  effect  upon  our  manufac 
turers.  On  the  contrary,  it  would  appear  to  give 
them  a  better  chance  in  foreign  markets  with  the 
manufacturers  of  other  countries,  who  cheapen 
their  wares  by  free  material.  Thus  our  people 
might  have  the  opportunity  of  extending  their 
sales  beyond  the  limits  of  home  consumption — 
saving  them  from  the  depression,  interruption  in 
business,  and  loss  caused  by  a  glutted  domestic 
market,  and  affording  their  employes  more  certain 
and  steady  labor,  with  its  resulting  quiet  and  con 
tentment. 

The  question  thus  imperatively  presented  for 
solution  should  be  approached  in  a  spirit  higher 


SENATOR   A.    P.   GORMAN. 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES.  431 

than  partisanship  and  considered  in  the  light  of 
that  regard  for  patriotic  duty  which  should  char 
acterize  the  action  of  those  intrusted  with  the  weal 
of  a  confiding  people.  But  the  obligation  to 
declared  party  policy  and  principle  is  not  wanting 
to  urge  prompt  and  effective  action.  Both  of  the 
great  political  parties  now  represented  in  the 
Government  have,  by  repeated  and  authoritative 
declarations,  condemned  the  condition  of  our  laws 
which  permit  the  collection  from  the  people  of 
unnecessary  revenue,  and  have,  in  the  most  solemn 
manner,  promised  its  correction ;  and  neither  as 
citizens  nor  partisans  are  our  countrymen  in  a 
mood  to  condone  the  deliberate  violation  of  these 
pledges. 

Our  progress  toward  a  wise  conclusion  will  not 
be  improved  by  dwelling  upon  the  theories  of  pro 
tection  and  free  trade.  This  savors  too  much  of 
bandying  epithets.  It  is  a  condition  which  con 
fronts  us — not  a  theory.  Relief  from  this  condi 
tion  may  involve  a  slight  reduction  of  the  advan 
tages  which  we  award  olir  home  productions,  but 
the  entire  withdrawal  of  such  advantages  should 
not  be  contemplated.  The  question  of  free  trade 
is  absolutely  irrelevant ;  and  the  persistent  claim 
made  in  certain  quarters,  that  all  efforts  to  relieve 
the  people  from  unjust  and  unnecessary  taxation 
are  schemes  of  so-called  free-traders,  is  mischiev 
ous  and  far  removed  from  any  consideration  for 
the  public  good. 


432  DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

The  simple  and  plain  duty  which  we  owe  the 
people  is  to  reduce  taxation  to  the  necessary  ex 
penses  of  an  economical  operation  of  the  Govern 
ment,  and  to  restore  to  the  business  of  the  country 
the  money  which  we  hold  in  the  Treasury  through 
the  perversion  of  governmental  powers,  These 
things  can  and  should  be  clone  with  safety  to  all 
our  industries,  without  danger  to  the  opportunity 
for  remunerative  labor  which  our  workingmen 
need,  and  with  benefit  to  them  and  all  our  people, 
by  cheapening  their  means  of  subsistence  and 
increasing  the  measure  of  their  comforts. 

The  Constitution  provides  that  the  President 
"  shall,  from  time  to  time,  give  to  the  Congress 
information  of  the  state  of  the  Union."  It  has 
been  the  custom  of  the  Executive,  in  compliance 
with  this  provision,  to  annually  exhibit  to  the  Con 
gress,  at  the  opening  of  its  session,  the  general 
condition  of  the  country,  and  to  detail,  with  some 
particularity,  the  operations  of  the  different  Ex 
ecutive  Departments.  It  would  be  especially  agree 
able  to  follow  this  course  at  the  present  time,  and 
to  call  attention  to  the  valuable  accomplishments 
of  these  Departments  during  the  last  fiscal  year. 
But  I  am  so  much  impressed  with  the  paramount 
importance  of  the  subject  to  which  this  communi 
cation  has  thus  far  been  devoted,  that  I  shall 
forego  the  addition  of  any  other  topic,  and  only 
urge  upon  your  immediate  consideration  the 
"  state  of  the  Union  "  as  shown  in  the  present 


DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES.  433 

condition  of  our  treasury  and  our  general  fiscal 
situation,  upon  which  every  element  of  our  safety 
and  prosperity  depends. 

The  reports  of  the  heads  of  Departments,  which 
will  be  submitted,  contain  full  and  explicit  infor 
mation  touching  the  transaction  of  the  business 
intrusted  to  them,  and  such  recommendations 
relating  to  legislation  in  the  public  interest  as  they 
deem  advisable.  I  ask  for  these  reports  and 
recommendations  the  deliberate  examination  and 
action  of  the  Legislative  branch  of  the  Govern 
ment. 

There  are  other  subjects  not  embraced  in  the 
departmental  reports  demanding  legislative  con 
sideration  and  which  I  should  be  glad  to  submit. 
Some  of  them,  however,  have  been  earnestly  pre 
sented  in  previous  messages,  and  as  to  them  I 
beg  leave  to  repeat  prior  recommendations. 

As  the  law  makes  no  provision  for  any  report 
from  the  Department  of  State,  a  brief  history  of 
the  transactions  of  that  important  Department, 
together  with  other  matters  which  it  may  here 
after  be  deemed  essential  to  commend  to  the 
attention  of  the  Congress,  may  furnish  the  occa 
sion  for  a  future  communication. 

GROVER  CLEVELAND. 


HON.    ISAAC   P.   GRAY. 


LIVES 


ALL  THE  PRESIDENTS 


UNITED   STATES. 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS 
A  BIRD'S-EYE  VIEW  OF  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON, 

FMRST  President  of  the  United  States,  was 
born  in   Westmoreland    County,  Virginia, 
on  the   22d   of  February,  1732.     He  was 
the    son    of   Augustine    Washington,    a    wealthy 
planter,  and   his   second  wife,  Mary   Ball.      John 
Washington,   the    great-grandfather   of  the   illus 
trious  subject  of  this  sketch,  emigrated  from  Eng 
land  and  settled  in  Virginia  about  16=57.     George 

o  **t  «_> 

Washington's  father  died  when  he  was  in  his 
eleventh  year,  leaving  him  in  the  care  of  his 
mother,  a  woman  of  marked  strength  of  charac 
ter.  She  was  worthy  of  her  trust.  From  her  he 
acquired  that  self-restraint,  love  of  order,  and 
strict  regard  for  justice  and  fair  dealing,  which, 
with  his  inherent  probity  and  truthfulness,  formed 
the  basis  of  a  character  rarely  equaled  for  its 
simple,  yet  commanding  nobleness. 

Apart  from  his  mother's  training,  the  youthful 
Washington  received  only  the  ordinary  country  - 

439 


440  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

school  education  of  the  time,  never  having  attended! 
college,  or  taken  instruction  in  the  ancient  lan 
guages.  He  had  no  inclination  for  any  but  the 
most  practical  studies,  but  in  these  he  was  remark 
ably  precocious.  When  barely  sixteen  Lord  Fair^ 
fax,  who  had  become  greatly  interested  in  the 
promising  lad,  engaged  him  to  survey  his  vast 
estates  lying  in  the  wilderness  west  of  the  Blue 
Ridge.  So  satisfactory  was  his  performance  of 
this  perilous  and  difficult  task,  that,  on  its  comple 
tion,  he  was  appointed  Public  Surveyor.  This 
office  he  held  for  three  years,  acquiring  consider 
able  pecuniary  benefits,  as  well  as  a  knowledge 
of  the  country,  which  was  of  value  to  him  in  his 
subsequent  military  career. 

When  only  nineteen,  Washington  was  appointed 
Military  Inspector  of  one  of  the  districts  into  which 
Virginia  was  then  divided.  In  November,  1753, 
he  was  sent  by  Governor  Dinwiddie  on  a  mission 
to  the  French  posts,  near  the  Ohio  River,  to  ascer 
tain  the  designs  of  France  in  that  quarter.  It  was 
a  mission  of  hardship  and  peril,  performed  with 
rare  prudence,  sagacity,  and  resolution.  Its  bril 
liant  success  laid  the  foundation  of  his  fortunes. 
"From  that  time,"  says  Irving,  "Washington  was 
the  rising  hope  of  Virginia." 

Of  Washington's  services  in  the  resulting  war, 
we  cannot  speak  in  detail.  An  unfortunate  mili 
tary  expedition  to  the  frontier  was  followed  by  a 
campaign  under  Braddock,  whom  he  accompanied 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

as  aid-de-camp,  with  the  rank  of  colonel,  in  his 
march  against  Fort  Duquesne.  That  imprudent 
General,  scorning  the  advice  of  his  youthful  aid, 
met  disastrous  defeat  and  death.  In  the  battle, 
Washington's  coat  was  pierced  by  four  bullets. 
His  bravery  and  presence  of  mind  alone  saved 
the  army  from  total  destruction. 

Washington,  on  his  return,  was  appointed  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  all  the  troops  of  the  colony, 
then  numbering  about  two  thousand  men.  This 

o 

was  in  1755,  when  he  was  but  little  more  than 
twenty-three  years  of  age.  Having  led  the  Vir 
ginia  troops  in  Forbes'  expedition  in  1758,  by 
which  Fort  Duquesne  was  captured,  he  resigned 
his  commission,  and,  in  January,  1759,  married 
Mrs.  Martha  Custis  (nee  Dandridge),  and  settled 
down  at  Mount  Vernon,  on  the  Potomac,  which 
estate  he  had  inherited  from  his  elder  brother 
Lawrence,  and  to  which  he  added  until  it  reached 
some  eight  thousand  acres. 

The  fifteen  years  following  his  marriage  were, 
to  Washington,  years  of  such  happiness  as  is 
rarely  accorded  to  mortals.  It  was  the  halcyon 
period  of  his  life.  His  home  was  the  centre  of  a 
generous  hospitality,  where  the  duties  of  a  busy 
planter  and  of  a  Judge  of  the  County  Court  were 
varied  by  rural  enjoyments  and  social  intercourse. 
He  managed  his  estates  with  prudence  and  econ 
omy.  He  slurred  over  nothing,  and  exhibited, 
even  then,  that  rigid  adherence  to  system  and 


44 2  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

accuracy  of  detail  which  subsequently  marked  his 
performance  of  his  public  duties. 

In  the  difficulties  which  presently  arose  between 
Great  Britain  and  her  American  Colonies,  Wash 
ington  sympathized  deeply  with  the  latter,  and 
took  an  earnest,  though  not  specially  prominent 
part  in  those  movements  which  finally  led  to  the 
War  of  Independence.  In  the  first  general  Con 
gress  of  the  Colonies,  which  met  in  Philadelphia, 
on  the  5th  of  September,  1774,  we  find  the  name 
of  Washington  among  the  Virginia  Delegates. 
As  to  the  part  he  took  in  that  Congress,  we  can 
only  judge  from  a  remark  made  by  Patrick  Henry, 
also  a  Delegate:  "Colonel  Washington,"  said  the 
great  orator,  "was  undoubtedly  the  greatest  man 
on  that  floor,  if  you  speak  of  solid  information  and 
sound  judgment." 

In  the  councils  of  his  native  province,  we  also 
get  glimpses  of  his  calm  and  dignified  presence. 
And  he  is  ever  on  the  side  of  the  Colonies — mod 
erate,  yet  resolute,  hopeful  of  an  amicable  adjust 
ment  of  difficulties,  yet  advocating  measures  look 
ing  to  a  final  appeal  to  arms. 

At  length  the  storm  broke.  The  Battle  of 
Lexington  called  the  whole  country  to  arms. 
While  in  the  East  the  rude  militia  of  New  Eng 
land  beleaguered  Boston  with  undisciplined  but 
stern  determination,  Congress,  in  May,  1775,  met 
a  second  time  in  Philadelphia.  A  Federal  Union 
was  formed  and  an  army  called  for.  As  chair- 


GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 


443 


man  of  the  various  Committees  on  Military  Affairs, 
Washington  drew  up  most  of  the  rules  and  regu 
lations  of  the  army,  and  devised  measures  for 
defense.  The  question  now  arose — By  whom 
was  the  army  to  be  led?  Hancock,  of  Massa 
chusetts,  was  ambitious  of  the  place.  Sectional 
jealousies  showed  themselves.  Happily,  how 
ever,  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  rising  in  his  seat, 
nominated  Washington.  The  election  was  by 
ballot,  and  unanimous.  Modestly  expressing  sin 
cere  doubts  as  to  his  capability,  Washington 
accepted  the  position  with  thanks,  but  refused  to 
receive  any  salary.  "  I  will  keep  an  exact  account 
of  my  expenses,"  he  said.  "These  I  doubt  not 
Congress  will  discharge.  That  is  all  I  desire." 

On  the  1 5th  of  June  he  received  his  commis 
sion.  Writing  a  tender  letter  to  his  wife,  he 
rapidly  prepared  to  start  on  the  following  day 
to  the  'army  before  Boston.  He  was  now  in  the 
full  vigor  of  manhood,  forty- three  years  of  age, 
tall,  stately,  of  powerful  frame  and  commanding 
presence.  "As  he  sat  his  horse  with  manly 
grace,"  says  Irving,  "his  military  bearing  de 
lighted  every  eye,  and  wherever  he  went  the  air 
rung  with  acclamations." 

On  his  way  to  the  army,  Washington  met  the 
tidings  of  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  When  told 
how  bravely  the  militia  had  acted,  a  load  seemed 
lifted  from  his  heart.  "The  liberties  of  the  coun 
try  are  safe !"  he  exclaimed.  On  the  2d  of  July 


444  OUR  FOKMER  PRESIDENTS. 

he  took  command  of  the  troops,  at  Cambridge, 
Mass.,  the  entire  force  then  numbering  about 
1 5,000  men.  It  was  not  until  March,  1776,  that 
the  siege  of  Boston  ended  in-  the  withdrawal  of 
the  British  forces.  Washington's  admirable  con 
duct  of  this  siege  drew  forth  the  enthusiastic  ap 
plause  of  the  nation.  Congress  had  a  gold  medal 
struck,  bearing  the  effigy  of  Washington  as  the 
Deliverer  of  Boston. 

Hastening  to  defend  New  York  from  threat 
ened  attack,  Washington  there  received,  on  the 
9th  of  July,  1776,  a  copy  of  the  ''Declaration  of 
Independence,"  adopted  by  Congress  five  days 
previously.  On  the  27th  of  the  following  month 
occurred  the  disastrous  battle  of  Long  Island,  the 
misfortunes  of  which  were  retrieved,  however, 
by  Washington's  admirable  retreat,  one  of  the 
most  brilliant  achievements  of  the  war.  Again 
defeated  at  White  Plains,  he  was  compelled  to 
retire  across  New  Jersey.  On  the  7th  of  De 
cember  he  passed  to  the  west  side  of  the  Dela 
ware,  at  the  head  of  a  dispirited  army  of  less  than 
four  thousand  effective  men.  many  of  them  with 
out  shoes,  and  leaving  tracks  of  blood  in  the 
snow.  This  was  the  darkest  period  of .  the  war 
But  suddenly,  as  if  inspired,  Washington,  in  the 
midst  of  a  driving  storm,  on  Christmas  night  re- 
crossing  the  Delaware,  now  filled  with  floating 
ice,  gained  in  rapid  succession  the  brilliant  vic 
tories  of  Trenton  and  Princeton,  thus  changing 


GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 

the  entire  aspect  of  affairs.  Never  were  victories 
better  timed.  The  waning  hopes  of  the  people 
in  their  cause  and  their  commander  were  at  once 
restored  as  if  by  magic. 

It  is  not  possible,  in  this  necessarily  brief 
sketch,  to  give  the  details  of  the  agonizing  strug 
gle  in  which  Washington  and  his  little  army  were 
now  involved.  Superior  numbers  and  equip 
ments  often  inflicted  upon  him  disasters  which 
would  have  crushed  a  less  resolute  spirit. 
Cheered,  however,  by  occasional  glimpses  of  vic 
tory,  and  wisely  taking  advantage  of  what  his 
troops  learned  in  hardship  and  defeat,  he  was  at 
length  enabled,  by  one  sagacious  and  deeply 
planned  movement,  to  bring  the  war  virtually  to 
a  close  in  the  capture  of  the  British  army  of 
7,000  men,  under  Cornwallis,  at  Yorktown,  on 
the  i  Qth  of  October,  1781. 

The  tidings  of  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis 
filled  the  country  with  joy.  The  lull  in  the  ac 
tivity  of  both  Congress  and  the  people  was  not 
viewed  with  favor  by  Washington.  It  was  a 
period  of  peril.  Idleness  in  the  army  fostered 
discontents  there,  which  at  one  time  threatened 
the  gravest  mischief.  It  was  only  by  the  utmost 
exertion  that  Washington  induced  the  malcon- 

o 

tents  to  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  those  who  were  at 
tempting,  as  he  alleged,  "  to  open  the  flood-gates 
of  civil  discord,  and  deluge  our  rising  empire 
with  blood." 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

On  September  3d,  1783,  a  treaty  of  peace  was 
signed  at  Paris,  by  which  the  complete  indepen 
dence  of  the  United  States  was  secured.  On  the 
23d  of  December  following,  Washington  for 
mally  resigned  his  command.  The  very  next 
morning  he  hastened  to  his  beloved  Mount  Ver- 

o 

non,  arriving  there  that  evening,  in  time  to  enjoy 
the  festivities  which  there  greeted  him. 

Washington  was  not  long  permitted  to  enjoy 
his  retirement.  Indeed,  his  solicitude  for  the  per 
petuity  of  the  political  fabric  he  had  helped  to 
raise  he  could  not  have  shaken  off  if  he  would. 
Unconsciously,  it  might  have  been,  by  his  letters 
to  his  old  friends  still  in  public  life,  he  continued 
to  exercise  a  powerful  influence  on  national  affairs. 
He  was  one  of  the  first  to  propose  a  remodeling 
of  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  which  were  now 
acknowledged  to  be  insufficient  for  their  purpose. 
At  length,  a  convention  of  delegates  from  the 
several  States,  to  form  a  new  Constitution,  met  at 
Philadelphia,  in  May,  1787.  Washington  pre 
sided  over  its  session,  which  was  long  and  stormy. 
After  four  months  of  deliberation  was  formed 
that  Constitution  under  which,  with  some  subse 
quent  amendments,  we  now  live. 

When  the  new  Constitution  was  finally  ratified, 
Washington  was  called  to  the  Presidency  by  the 
unanimous  voice  of  the  people.  In  April,  i  789. 
he  set  out  from  Mount  Vernon  for  New  York, 
then  the  seat  of  Government,  to  be  inaugurated. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

"  His  progress,"  says  Irving,  "  was  a  continuous 
ovation.  The  ringing  of  bells  and  the  roaring  of 
cannon  proclaimed  his  course.  Old  and  young, 
women  and  children,  thronged  the  highways  to 
bless  and  welcome  him."  His  inauguration  took 
place  April  3Oth,  1 789,  before  an  immense  multi 
tude. 

The  eight  years  of  Washington's  Administra 
tion  were  years  of  trouble  and  difficulty.  The 
two  parties  which  had  sprung  up — the  Federalist 
and  the  Republican — were  greatly  embittered 
against  each  other,  each  charging  the  other  with 
the  most  unpatriotic  designs.  No  other  man  than 
Washington  could  have  carried  the  country  safely 
through  so  perilous  a  period.  His  prudent,  firm, 
yet  conciliatory  spirit,  aided  by  the  love  and  ven 
eration  with  which  the  people  regarded  him,  kept 
down  insurrection  and  silenced  discontent. 

That  he  passed  through  this  trying  period 
safely  cannot  but  be  a  matter  of  astonishment. 
The  angry  partisan  contests,  to  which  we  have 
referred,  were  of  themselves  -  sufficient  to  dis 
hearten  any  common  man.  Even  Washington  was 
distrustful  of  the  event,  so  fiercely  were  the  par 
tisans  of  both  parties  enlisted — the  Federalists 
clamoring  for  a  stronger  crovernment,  the  Repub- 

o  <7»          o  A 

licans  for  additional  checks  on  the  power  already 
intrusted  to  the  Executive.  Besides,  the  Revolu 
tion  then  raging  in  France  became  a  source  of 
contention.  The  Federalists  sided  with  England, 


443  '°UR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

who  was  bent  on  crushing  that  Revolution,  the 
Republicans,  on  the  other  hand,  sympathized 
deeply  with  the  French  people :  so  that  between 
them  both,  it  was  with  extreme  difficulty  that  the 
President  could  prevent  our  young  Republic,  bur 
dened  with  debt,  her  people  groaning  under  taxes 
necessarily  heavy,  and  with  finances,  commerce, 
and  the  industrial  arts  in  a  condition  of  chaos, 
from  being  dragged  into  a  fresh  war  with  either 
France  or  England. 

o 

But,  before  retiring  from  the  Presidency,  Wash 
ington  had  the  happiness  of  seeing  many  of  the 
difficulties  from  which  he  had  apprehended  so  much, 
placed  in  a  fair  way  of  final  adjustment.  A  finan 
cial  system  was  developed  which  lightened  the 
burden  of  public  debt  and  revived  the  drooping 
energies  of  the  people.  The  country  progressed 
rapidly.  Immigrants  flocked  to  our  shores,  and 
the  regions  west  of  the  Alleghanies  began  to  fill 
up.  New  States  claimed  admission  and  were 
received  into  the  Union — Vermont,  in  1791 ;  Ken 
tucky,  in  1792  ;  and  Tennessee,  in  1796  ;  so  that, 
before  the  close  of  Washington's  second  term,  the 
original  thirteen  States  had  increased  to  sixteen. 

Having  served  two  Presidential  terms,  Wash 
ington,  declining  another  election,  returned  once 
more  to  Mount  Vernon,  "  that  haven  of  repose  to 
which  he  had  so  often  turned  a  wistful  eye,"  bear 
ing  with  him  the  love  and  gratitude  of  his  country 
men,  to  whom,  in  his  memorable  "  Farewell  Ad- 


GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 


449 


dress,"  he  bequeathed  a  legacy  of  practical  politi 
cal  wisdom  which  it  will  be  well  for  them  to 
remember  and.  profit  by.  In  this  immortal  docu 
ment  he  insisted  that  the  union  of  the  States  was 
"a  main  pillar"  in  the  real  independence  of  the 
people.  He  also  entreated  them  to  "steer  clear 
of  any  permanent  alliances  with  any  portion  of 
the  foreign  world." 

At  Mount  Vernon  Washington  found  constant 
occupation  in  the  supervision  of  his  various 
estates.  It  was  while  taking  his  usual  round  on 
horseback  to  look  after  his  farms,  that,  on  the  1 2th 
of  December,  1799,  he  encountered  a  cold,  winter 
storm.  He  reached  home  chill  and  damp.  The 
next  day  he  had  a  sore  throat,  with  some  hoarse 
ness.  By  the  morning  of  the  I4th  he  could 
scarcely  swallow.  "  I  find  I  am  going,"  said  he  to 
a  friend.  "I  believed  from  the  first  that  the 
attack  would  be  fatal."  That  night,  between  ten 
and  eleven,  he  expired,  without  a  struggle  or  a 
sicfh,  in  the  sixty-eighth  vear  of  his  aofe,  his  disease 

o  J  o  >  o 

being  acute  laryngitis.  Three  days  afterward 
his  remains  were  deposited  in  the  family  tombs  at 
Mount  Vernon,  where  they  still  repose. 

Washington  left  a  reputation  on  which  there  is 
no  stain.  "  His  character,"  says  Irving,  "  possessed 
fewer  inequalities,  and  a  rarer  union  of  virtues 
than  perhaps  ever  fell  to  the  lot  of  one  man. 
*  *  *  It  seems  as  if  Providence  had  endowed 

him  in  a  pre-eminent  degree  with  the   qualities 
29 


450 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


requisite  to  fit  him  for  the  high  destiny  he  was 
called  upon  to  fulfill." 

In  stature  Washington  was  six  feet  two  inches 
in  height,  well  proportioned,  and  firmly  built. 
His  hair  was  brown,  his  eyes  blue  and  set  far 
apart.  From  boyhood  he  was  famous  for  great 
strength  and  agility.  Jefferson  pronounced  him 
"  the  best  horseman  of  his  age,  and  the  most  grace 
ful  figure  that  could  be  seen  on  horseback."  He 
was  scrupulously  neat,  gentlemanly,  and  punctual, 
and  always  dignified  and  reserved. 

In  the  resolution  passed  upon  learning  of  his 
death,  the  National  House  of  Representatives 
described  him  for  the  first  time  in  that  well-known 
phrase,  "  First  in  war,  first  in  peace,  and  first  in 
the  hearts  of  his  countrymen," — a  tribute  which 
succeding  generations  have  continued  to  bestow 
upon  Washington  without  question  or  doubt.  By 
common  consent  to  him  is  accorded  as  pre-emi 
nently  appropriate  the  title,  "  Pater  Patriae," — the 
"Father  of  his  Country." 

Of  Washington,  Lord  Brougham  says :  "  It  will 
be  the  duty  of  the  historian  and  the  sage,  in  all 
ages,  to  omit  no  occasion  of  commemorating  this 
illustrious  man  ;  and  until  time  shall  be  no  more 
will  a  test  of  the  progress  our  race  has  made  in 
wisdom  and  virtue  be  derived  from  the  veneration 
paid  to  the  immortal  name  of  Washington/' 


JOHN  ADAMS, 


JOHN  ADAMS, 

SECOND  President  of  the    United   States, 
was  born  at  Braintree,  now  Ouincy,  Mass,, 
October  igth,  1 735.    He  was  the  eldest  son 
of  John  Adams,  a  farmer,  and  Susanna  Boylston. 
Graduating  from  Harvard  in  1755,  he  studied  law, 
defraying  his  expenses  by  teaching.    In  1764,  hav 
ing  meanwhile  been  admitted  to  the  bar,  he  mar 
ried  Miss  Abigail  Smith,  a  lady  whose  energy  of 
character  contributed  largely  to   his   subsequent 
advancement. 

As  early  as  1761,  we  find  young  Adams  look 
ing  forward,  with  prophetic  vision,  to  American 
Independence.  When  the  memorable  Stamp  Act 
was  passed  in  1765,  he  joined  heart  and  soul  in 
opposition  to  it.  A  series  of  resolutions  which  he 
drew  up  against  it  and  presented  to  the  citizens  of 
Braintree  was  adopted  also  by  more  than  forty 
other  towns  in  the  Province.  He  took  the  ad 
vanced  grounds  that  it  was  absolutely  void — 
Parliament  having  no  right  to  tax  the  Colonies. 

In  1 768  he  removed  to  Boston.  The  rise  of  the 
young  lawyer  was  now  rapid,  and  he  was  the  lead 
ing  man  in  many  prominent  cases.  When,  in  Sep 
tember,  1774,  the  first  Colonial  Congress  met,  at 
Philadelphia,  Adams  was  one  of  the  five  Delegates 
from  Massachusetts.  In  that  Congress  he  took 
\  prominent  part.  He  it  was  who,  on  the  6th  of 


452 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


May,    1776,    boldly  advanced  upon    the  path   ol 
Independence,  by  moving  "  the  adoption  of  such 
measures  as  would  best  conduce  to  the  happiness 
and   safety  of  the    American    people."      It   was 
Adams,  who,  a  month  later,  seconded  the  resolu 
tion  of  Lee,  of  Virginia,  "  that  these  United  States 
are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  independent."     It 
was  he  who  uttered  the  famous  words,  "  Sink  or 
swim,    live    or   die,    survive    or   perish,   with   my 
country  is  my   unalterable  determination."     He, 
too,  it  was,  who,  with  Jefferson,  Franklin,  Sher 
man,  and  Livingston,  drew  up  that  famous  "  Dec 
laration  of  Independence,"  which,  adopted  by  Con 
gress  on  the  4th  of  July,  1776,  decided  a  question, 
"  greater,  perhaps,  than   ever  was  or  will   be  de 
cided   anywhere."       During   all    these    years    of 
engrossing  public  duty  he   produced  many  able 
essays  on  the  rights  of  the  Colonies.     These  ap 
peared  in   the  leading  journals   of  the  day  and 
exerted  wide  influence.     The  motion  to  prepare 
a  Declaration  of  Independence  was  opposed  by  a 
strong  party,  to  the  champion  of  which  Adams 
made  reply  and  Jefferson  said,  "  John  Adams  was 
the   ablest  advocate   and   champion   of  indepen 
dence  on  the  floor  of  the  House." 

Writing  to  his  wife  on  July  3d,  1776,  and  refer 
ring  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  that  day 
adopted,  he  forecast  the  manner  of  that  day's 
celebration  by  bonfires,  fireworks,  etc.,  as  "  the 
v/reat  anniversary  festival."  During  all  the  years 


HENRY  WATTERSON. 


JOHN  ADAMS.  453 

of  the  war  he  was  a  most  zealous  worker  and  val 
ued  counselor.  After  its  years  of  gloom  and 
trial,  on  the  2ist  of  January,  1783,  he  assisted  in 
the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  peace,  by  which 
Great  Britain  acknowledged  the  complete  inde 
pendence  of  the  United  States.  On  the  previous 
October,  he  had  achieved  what  he  ever  regarded 
as  the  greatest  success  of  his  life — the  formation 
of  a  treaty  of  peace  and  alliance  with  Holland, 
which  had  a  most  important  bearing  on  the  nego 
tiations  leading  to  the  final  adjustment  with  Eng 
land. 

He  was  United  States  Minister  to  England  from 
1785  to  1788,  and  Vice-President  during  both  the 
terms  of  Washington.  During  these  years,  as 
presiding  officer  of  the  Senate,  he  gave  no  less 
than  twenty  casting  votes,  all  of  them  on  ques 
tions  of  great  importance,  and  all  supporting  the 
policy  of  the  President.  Mr.  Adams  was  himself 
inaugurated  President  on  the  4th  of  March,  1797, 
having  been  elected  over  Jefferson  by  a  small 
majority.  Thomas  Pinckney  was  nominated  for 
the  Vice-Presidency  with  him,  they  representing 
the  Federal  party,  but  in  the  Electoral  College 
Thomas  Jefferson  received  the  choice  and  became 
Vice-President.  He  retained  as  his  Cabinet  the 
officers  previously  chosen  by  Washington. 

He  came  into  office  at  a  critical  period.  The 
conduct  of  the  French  Directory,  in  refusing  to 
receive  our  ambassadors,  and  in  trying  to  injure 


454 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


our  commerce  by  unjust  decrees,  excited  intense 
ill-feeling,  and  finally  led  to  what  is  known  as  "the 
Quasi  War"  with  France.  Congress  now  passed 
the  so-called  "Alien  and  Sedition  Laws,"  by  which 
extraordinary  and,  it  is  alleged,  unconstitutional 
powers  were  conferred  upon  the  President. 
Though  the  apprehended  war  was  averted,  the 
odium  of  these  laws  effectually  destroyed  the  pop 
ularity  of  Adams,  who,  on  running  for  a  second 
term,  was  defeated  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  representing 
the  Republicans,  who  were  the  Democratic  party 
of  that  day.  On  the  4th  of  March,  1801,  he  re 
tired  to  private  life  on  his  farm  near  Quincy.  His 
course  as  President  had  brought  upon  him  the 
reproaches  of  both  parties,  and  his  days  were 
ended  in  comparative  obscurity  and  neglect.  He 
lived  to  see  his  son,  John  Quincy  Adams,  in  the 
Presidential  chair. 

By  a  singular  coincidence,  the  death  of  Mr. 
Adams  and  that  of  his  old  political  rival,  Jefferson, 
took  place  on  the  same  day,  and  almost  at  the 
same  hour.  Stranger  still,  it  was  on  July  the  4th, 
1826,  whilst  bells  were  ringing  and  cannon  roar 
ing  to  celebrate  the  fiftieth  Anniversary  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  their  own  immortal 
production,  that  these  two  men  passed  away. 
Mr.  Adams  was  asked  if  he  knew  what  day  it  was. 
"Oh  lyes!"  he  exclaimed,  "It  is  the  Fourth  of 
luly.  God  bless  it!  God  bless  you  all !  It  is  a 
great  and  glorious  day!"  and  soon  after  quietly 
ed,  in  the  ninety-first  year  ->f  hi*-,  age. 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

Mr.  Adams  possessed  a  vigorous  and  polished 
intellect,  and  was  one  of  the  most  upright  of  men. 
His  character  was  one  to  command  respect,  rather 
than  to  win  affection.  There  was  a  certain  lack 
of  warmth,  in  his  stately  courtesy  which  seemed 
to  forbid  approach.  Yet  nobody,  we  are  told, 
could  know  him  intimately  without  admiring  the 
simplicity  and  truth  which  shone  in  all  his  actions. 


THOMAS   JEFFERSON. 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON,  who  succeeded 
Adams  as  President,  was  born  at  Shadwell, 
Albermarle  County,  Va.,  April  2cl,  1743. 
Peter  Jefferson,  his  father,  was  a  man  of  great 
force  of  character  and  of  remarkably  powerful 
physique.  His  mother,  Jane  Randolph,  was  from 
a  most  respectable  English  family.  He  was  the 
eldest  of  eight  children.  He  became  a  classical 
student  when  a  mere  boy,  and  entered  college  in 
an  advanced  class  when  but  seventeen  years  of 
age.  Having  passed  through  college,  he  studied 
law  under  Judge  Wythe,  and  in  1767  commenced 
practice.  In  1769,  he  was  elected  to  the  Virginia 
Legislature.  Three  years  later,  he  married  Mrs. 
Martha  Skelton,  a  rich,  handsome,  and  accom 
plished  young  widow,  with  whom  he  went  to  reside 
tn  his  new  mansion  at  Monticello,  near  to  the  spot 
where  he  was  born.  His  practice  at  the  bar  grew 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

rapidly  and  became  very  lucrative,  and  he  early 
engaged  in  the  political  affairs  of  his  own  State. 
For  years  the  breach  between  England  and  her 
Colonies  had  been  rapidly  widening.  Jefferson 
earnestly  advocated  the  right  of  the  latter  to  local 
self-government,  and  wrote  a  pamphlet  on  the 
subject  which  attracted  much  attention  on  both 
sides  of  the  Atlantic.  By  the  spring  of  1775  the 
Colonies  were  in  revolt.  We  now  find  Jefferson 
in  the  Continental  Congress — the  youngest  mem 
ber  save  one.  His  arrival  had  been  anxiously 
awaited.  He  had  the  reputation  "  of  a  matchless 
pen."  Though  silent  on  the  floor,  in  committee 
"  he  was  prompt,  frank,  explicit,  and  decisive," 
Early  in  June,  1776,  a  committee,  with  Jefferson 
as  chairman,  was  appointed  to  draw  up  a  "  Decla 
ration  of  Independence."  Unanimously  urged  by 
his  associates  to  write  it,  he  did  so,  Franklin  and 
Adams,  only,  making  a  few  verbal  alterations. 
Jefferson  has  been  charged  with  plagiarism  in  the 
composition  of  this  ever-memorable  paper.  Vol 
umes  have  been  written  on  the  subject;  but  those 
who  have  investigated  the  closest,  declare  that 
the  Mecklenburg  Declaration,  from  which  he  was 
charged  with  plagiarism,  was  not  then  in  existence. 
Jefferson  distinctly  denies  having  seen  it.  Prob 
ably,  in  preparing  it,  he  used  many  of  the  popular 
phrases  of  the  time  ;  and  hence  it  was  that  it 
seized  so  quickly  and  so  irresistibly  upon  the 
public  heart.  It  was  the  crystallized  expression 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  457 

of  the  spirit  of  the  age.  Edward  Everett  pro 
nounced  this  Declaration  "  equal  to  anything  ever 
born  on  parchment  or  expressed  in  the  visible- 
signs  of  thought."  Bancroft  declares,  "  The  heart 
of  Jefferson  in  writing  it,  and  of  Congress  in 
adopting  it,  beat  for  all  humanity." 

Chosen  a  second  time  to  Congress,  Jefferson 
declined  the  appointment,  in  order  that  he  might 
labor  in  re-organizing  Virginia.  He  therefore 
accepted  a  seat  in  the  Legislature,  where  he 
zealously  applied  himself  to  revising  the  funda 
mental  laws  of  the  State.  The  abolition  of  primo 
geniture  and  the  Church  establishment  was  the 
result  of  his  labors,  and  he  was  justly  proud  of 
it.  No  more  important  advance  could  have  been 
made.  It  was  a  step  from  middle-age  darkness 
into  the  broad  light  of  modern  civilization. 

In  1778,  Jefferson  procured  the  passage  of  a 
law  prohibiting  the  further  importation  of  slaves. 
The  following  year  he  was  elected  Governor, 
succeeding  Patrick  Henry  in  this  honorable  posi 
tion,  and  at  the  close  of  his  official  term  he  again 
sought  the  retirement  of  Monticello.  In  1782, 
shortly  after  the  death  of  his  beloved  wife,  he  was 
summoned  to  act  as  one  of  the  Commissioners  to 
negotiate  peace-  with  England.  He  was  not 
required  to  sail,  however  ;  but,  taking  a  seat  in 
Congress,  during  the  winter  of  1783,  he,  who  had 
drawn  up  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  was 
the  first  to  officially  announce  its  final  triumph. 


458  °°'A1  DORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

At  the  next  session  of  Congress,  he  secured  the 
adoption  of  our  present  admirable  system  of  coin 
age.  As  chairman  of  a  committee  to  draft  rules 
for  the  government  of  our  Northwest  Territory 
he  endeavored,  but  without  success,  to  secure  the 
prohibition  of  slavery  therefrom  forever.  In  May, 
1784,  he  was  sent  to  Europe,  to  assist  Adams  and 
Franklin  in  negotiating  treaties  of  commerce  with 
foreign  nations.  Returning  home  in  1789,  he 
received  from  Washington  the  appointment  of 
Secretary  of  State,  which  office  he  resigned  in  1 793. 
He  withdrew,  says  Marshall,  "at  a  time  when  he 
stood  particularly  high  in  the  esteem  of  his  coun 
trymen."  His  friendship  for  France,  and  his  dis 
like  of  England ;  his  warm  opposition  to  the 
aggrandizement  of  the  central  power  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  and  his  earnest  advocacy  of  every  mea 
sure  tending  to  enlarge  popular  freedom,  had  won 
for  him  a  larq;e  following,  and  he  now  stood  the 

O  £>' 

acknowledged  leader  of  the  great  and  growing 
Anti-federal  party. 

Washington  declining  a  third  term,  Adams,  as 
we  have  already  seen,  succeeded  him,  Jefferson 
becoming  Vice-President.  At  the  next  election, 
Jefferson  and  Burr,  the  Republican  candidates, 
stood  highest  on  the  list.  By  the  election  law  of 
that  period,  he  who  had  the  greatest  number  of 
votes  was  to  be  President,  while  the  Vice-Presi 
dency  fell  to  the  next  highest  candidate.  Jeffer 
son  and  Burr  having  an  equal  number  of  votes, 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

it  remained  for  the  House  of  Representatives  to 
decide  which  should  be  President.  After  a  long 
and  heated  canvass,  Jefferson  was  chosen  on  the 
thirty-sixth  ballot.  He  was  inaugurated,  on  the 
4th  of  March,  1801,  at  Washington,  whither  the 
Capitol  had  been  removed  a  few  months  pre 
viously.  In  1804,  he  was  re-elected  by  an  over 
whelming  majority.  At  the  close  of  his  second 
term,  he  retired  once  more  to  the  quiet  of  Monti- 
cello. 

The  most  important  public  measure  of  Jeffer 
son's  Administration,  to  the  success  of  which  he 
directed  his  strongest  endeavors,  was  the  pur 
chase  from  France,  for  the  insignificant  sum  of 
$15,000,000,  of  the  immense  Territory  of  Louisi 
ana.  It  was  during  his  Administration,  too,  that 
the  conspiracy  of  Burr  was  discovered,  and 
thwarted  by  the  prompt  and  decisive  action  of  the 
President.  Burr's  scheme  was  a  mad  one — tu 
break  up  the  Union,  and  erect  a  new  empire,  with 
Mexico  as  its  seat.  Jefferson  is  regarded  as  hav 
ing  initiated  the  custom  of  removing  incumbents 
from  office  on  political  grounds  alone. 

From  the  retirement  into  which  he  withdrew  at 
the  end  of  his  second  term,  Jefferson  never 
emerged.  His  time  was  actively  employed  in 
the  management  of  his  property  and  in  his  extern 
sive  correspondence.  In  establishing  a  Univer* 
sity  at  Charlottesville,  Jefferson  took,  a  deep  in 
terest,  devoting  to  it  much  of  his  time  and  means, 


460  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

He  was  proud  of  his  work,  and  directed  that  the 
words  "  Father  of  the  University  of  Virginia  " 
should  be  inscribed  upon  his  tomb.  He  died, 
shortly  after  mid-day,  on  the  Fourth  of  July, 
1826,  a  few  hours  before  his  venerable  friend  and 
compatriot,  Adams. 

Jefferson  was  the  very  embodiment  of  the 
democracy  he  sought  to  make  the  distinctive  feat 
ure  of  his  party.  All  titles  were  distasteful  to 
him,  even  the  prefix  Mr.  '  His  garb  and  manners 
were  such  that  the  humblest  farmer  was  at  home 
in  his  society.  He  declared  that  in  view  of  the 
existence  of  slavery  he  "trembled  for  his  coun 
try  when  he  remembered  that  God  is  just."  He 
was  of  splendid  physique,  being  six  feet  two  and 
a  half  inches  in  height,  but  well  built  and  sinewy. 
His  hair  was  of  a  reddish  brown,  his  countenance 
ruddy,  his  eyes  light  hazel.  Both  he  and  his  wife 
were  wealthy,  but  they  spent  freely  and  died  in 
solvent,  leaving  but  one  daughter. 

His  moral  character  was  of  the  highest  order. 
Profanity  he  could  not  endure,  either  in  himself 
or  others.  He  never  touched  cards,  or  strong 
drink  in  any  form.  He  was  one  of  the  most 
generous  of  men,  lavishly  hospitable,  and  in 
everything  a  thorough  gentleman.  Gifted  with 
an  intellect  far  above  the  average,  he  had  added 
to  it  a  surprising  culture,  which  ranked  him 
among  our  most  accomplished  scholars.  To 
his  extended  learning,  to  his  ardent  love  of  lib- 


JAMES  MADISON. 

erty,  and  to  his  broad  and  tolerant  views,  is  due 
much,  very  much,  of  whatever  is  admirable  in  our 
institutions.  In  them  we  discern  everywhere 
traces  of  his  master  spirit. 


JAMES  MADISON. 

WHEN  Mr.  Jefferson  retired  from  the 
Presidency,  the  country  was  almost  on 
the  verge  of  war  with  Great  Britain. 
Disputes  had  arisen  in  regard  to  certain  restric 
tions  laid  by  England  upon  our  commerce.  A 
hot  discussion  also  came  up  about  the  right 
claimed  and  exercised  by  the  commanders  of 
English  war-vessels,  of  searching  American  ships 
and  of  taking  from  them  such  seamen  as  they 
might  choose  to  consider  natives  of  Great  Britain. 
Many  and  terrible  wrongs  had  been  perpetrated 
in  the  exercise  of  this  alleged  right.  Hundreds 
of  American  citizens  had  been  ruthlessly  forced 
into  the  British  service. 

It  was  when  the  public  mind  was  agitated  by 
such  outrages,  that  James  Madison,  the  fourth 
President  of  the  United  States,  was  inaugurated. 
When  he  took  his  seat,  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1809,  he  lacked  but  a  few  days  of  being  fifty-eight 
years  of  age,  having  been  born  on  the  i5th  of 
March,  1751.  His  father  was  Colonel  James 
Madison,  his  mother  Nellie  Conway.  He  gradu- 


462  ol-R  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

ated  at  Princeton  College,  New  Jersey,  in  1771. 
after  which  he  studied  law. 

In  his  twenty-sixth  year  he  had  been  a  member 
'of  the  Convention  which  framed  the  Constitution 
•of  Virginia ;  in  1 780  had  been  elected  to.  the 
Continental  Congress,  in  which  he  at  once  took  a 
commanding  position  ;  had  subsequently  entered 
the  Virginia  Legislature,  where  he  co-operated 
with  his  friend  and  neighbor,  Jefferson,  in  the  ab 
rogation  of  entail  and  primogeniture,  and  in  the 
establishment  of  religious  freedom  ;  had  drawn 
\ip  the  call  in  answer  to  which  the  Convention  to 
Draught  a  Constitution  for  the  United  States  met 
at  Philadelphia  in  1787,  and  had  been  one  of  the 
most  active  members  of  that  memorable  assem- 
blao^e  in  reconciling  the  discordant  elements  of 

O  C3 

which  it  was  composed.  He  had  also  labored 
earnestly  to  secure  the  adoption  of  the  r*ew  Con^ 
stitution  by  his  native  State;  had  afterward  en 
tered  Congress ;  and  when  Jefferson  became 
President,  in  March,  1801,  had  been  by  him  ap 
pointed  Secretary  of  State,  a  post  he  had  declined 
when  it  was  vacated  by  Jefferson  in  December, 
1793.  In  this  important  post  for  eight  years,  he 
won  the  highest  esteem  and  confidence  of  the 
nation.  Having  been  nominated  by  the  Repub 
licans,  he  was  in  1808  elected  to  the  Presidency, 
receiving  one  hundred  and  twenty-two  electoral 
votes,  while  Charles  C.  Pinckney,  the  Federal  car 
didate,  received  but  forty-seven. 


JAMES  MADISON. 

In  1794,  he  married  Mrs.  Dorothy  Todd,  a 
young  widow  lady,  whose  bright  intelligence  aiid 
fascinating  manners  were  to  gain  her  celebrity  as 
cme  of  the  most  remarkable  women  who  ever 
presided  over  the  domestic  arrangements  of  the 
Presidential  Mansion. 

Of  a  weak  and  delicate  constitution,  and  with 
the  habits  of  a  student,  Mr.  Madison  would  have 
preferred  peace  to  war.  But  even  he  lost  patience 
at  the  insults  heaped  upon  the  young  Republic  by 
it  ancient  mother;  and  when,  at  length,  on  the 
1 8th  of  June,  1812,  Congress  declared  war  against 
Great  Britain,  he  gave  the  declaration  his  official 
sanction,  and  took  active  steps  to  enforce  it. 
Though  disasters  in  the  early  part  of  the  war 
greatly  strengthened  the  Federal  party,  who  were 
bitterly  opposed  to  hostilities,  the  ensuing  Presi 
dential  canvass  resulted  in  the  re-election  of  Mr. 
Madison  by  a  large  majority,  his  competitor,  De 
Witt  Clinton,  receiving  eighty-nine  electoral  votes 
to  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight  for  Madison. 
On  the  1 2th  of  August,  1814,  a  British  army  took 
Washington,  the  President  himself  narrowly  esca 
ping  capture.  The  Presidential  Mansion,  the  Cap 
itol,  and  all  the  public  buildings  were  wantonly 
burned.  The  I4th  of  December  following,  a  treaty 
of  peace  was  signed  at  Ghent,  in  which,  however, 
England  did  not  relinquish  her  claim  to  the  right 
of  search.  But  as  she  has  not  since  attempted  to 
exercise  it,  the  question  may  be  regarded  as  hav 
ing  been  finally  settled  by  the  contest. 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1817,  Madison's  second 
term  having  expired,  he  withdrew  to  private  life 
at  his  paternal  home  of  Montpelier,  Orange  County, 
Va.  During  his  administration,  two  new  States 
had  been  added  to  the  Union,  making  the  total 
number  at  this  period  nineteen.  The  first  to 
claim  admittance  was  Louisiana,  in  1812.  It  was 
formed  out  of  the  Southern  portion  of  the  vast 
Territory,  purchased,  during  the  Presidency  of 
Jefferson,  from  France.  Indiana — the  second 
State — was  admitted  in  1816. 

After  his  retirement  from  office,  Mr.  Madison 
passed  nearly  a  score  of  quiet  years  at  Montpe 
lier.  With  Jefferson,  who  was  a  not  very  distant 
neighbor,  he  co-operated  in  placing  the  Charlottes- 
viile  University  upon  a  substantial  foundation.  In 
1829,  he  left  his  privacy  to  take  part  in  the  Con 
vention  which  met  at  Richmond  to  revise  the 
Constitution  of  the  State.  His  death  took  place 
on  the  28th  of  June,  1836,  in  the  eighty-fifth  year 
of  his  age. 


JAMES   MONROE. 

MADISON'S  successor  in  the  Presidential 
chair  was  James  Monroe,  whose  Admin 
istration   has  been  called  "  the  Era  of 
Good  Feeling,"  from  the  temporary  subsidence  at 
that  time  of  party  strife.     He  was  a  son  of  Sperice 
Monroe,  a  planter.     He  was  born  on  his  fathers 


JAMES  MONROE. 

plantation  in  Westmoreland  County,  Va.,  on  the 
28th  of  April,  1758.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  he 
entered  William  and  Mary  College;  but  when, 
two  years  later,  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
called  the  Colonies  to  arms,  the  young  collegian, 
dropping  his  books,  girded  on  his  sword,  and  en 
tered  the  service  of  his  country.  Commissioned 
a  lieutenant,  he  took  part  in  the  battles  of  Harlem 
Heights  and  White  Plains.  In  the  attack  on 
Trenton  he  was  wounded  in  the  shoulder,  and  for 
his  bravery  promoted  to  a  captaincy.  Subse 
quently  he  was  attached  to  the  staff  of  Lord  Ster- 
iiag  with  the  rank  of  major,  and  fought  by  the 
side  of  Lafayette,  when  that  officer  was  wounded 
at  the  battle  of  Brandywine,  and  also  participated 
in  the  battles  of  Germantown  and  Monmouth. 
He  was  afterward  given  a  colonel's  commission, 
but,  being  unable  to  recruit  a  regiment,  began  the 
study  of  law  in  the  office  of  Jefferson,  then  Gover 
nor  of  Virginia. 

When  only  about  twenty-three  years  old,  he 
was  elected  to  the  Virginia  Legislature.  The  next 
year  he  was  sent  to  Congress.  On  the  expiration 
of  his  term,  having  meanwhile  married,  in  New 
York,  Miss  Kortright,  a  young  lady  of  great 
intelligence  and  rare  personal  attractions,  he  re 
turned  to  Fredericksburg,  and  commenced  prac 
tice  as  a  lawyer.  He  espoused  the  cause  of  the 
Anti-Federal  or  Republican  party,  being  thor 
oughly  democratic  in  his  ideas,  as  was  his  eminenr 

3° 


466 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


preceptor,  Jefferson.  In  i  789,  he  was  elected  to 
the  United  States  Senate.  In  1 794,  he  was  ap 
pointed  minister-plenipotentiary  to  France,  but 
recalled  from  his  mission  two  years  later  because 
of  his  ^outspoken  sympathies  with  the  republicans 
of  that  country. 

Shortly  after  his  return,  Monroe  was  elected 
Governor  of  Virginia,  which  post  he  held  for  three 
years  (1799-1802).  On  the  expiration  of  his 
official  term,  he  was  sent  to  co-operate  with  Ed 
ward  Livingston,  then  resident  Minister  at  Paris, 
in  negotiating  the  treaty  by  which  the  Territory  of 
Louisiana  was  secured  to  the  United  States.  In 
1811,  he  was  again  elected  Governor  of  Virginia, 
but  presently  resigned  to  become  Madison's  Sec 
retary  of  State. 

During  the  period  following  the  capture  of 
Washington,  September,  i8i4-March,  1815,  he 
acted  as  Secretary  of  War,  and  did  much  to  restore 
the  nation's  power  and  credit.  He  continued 
Secretary  of  State  until  March,  1817,  when  he 
became  President.  He  was  chosen  by  the  Dem 
ocratic  party,  till  then  known  as  the  Republican. 
He  received  one  hundred  and  eighty-three  elec 
toral  votes,  his  .opponent,  Riifus  King,  receiving 
but  thirty-four  votes.  The  violence  of  party  spirit 
greatly  abated  during  his  first  term,  and  he  was 
re-elected  in  1821,  with  but  one  dissenting  vote 
out  of  the  two  hundred  and  thirty-two  cast  by  the 
electoral  college.  On  the  4th  of  March,  1825.  he 


JAMES  MONROE. 

retired  to  the  quiet  and  seclusion  of  his  estate  at 
Oak  Hill,  in  Loudon.  County,  Virginia. 

During  Monroe's  Administration,  the  bound 
aries  of  the  United  States  were  considerably 
enlarged  by  the  purchase  of  Florida  from  Spain. 
Five  new  States  were  also  admitted  into  the 
Union:  Mississippi,  in  1817;  Illinois,  in  1818; 
Alabama,  in  1819;  Maine,  in  1820;  and  Missouri, 
in  1821. 

The  discussion  in  Congress  over  the  admission 
of  Missouri  showed  the  existence  of  a  new  dis 
turbing  element  in  our  national  politics.  It  was 
the  question  of  the  further  extension  of  slavery  ; 
not  so  much  in  regard  to  its  moral  aspects  as  to 
its  bearing  on  the  question  of  the  balance  of  polit 
ical  power.  For  a  brief  period  two  parties,  one 
in  favor  of  and  the  other  against  admitting  any 
more  Slave  States,  filled  Congress  and  the  country 
with  angry  discussion.  This  was  quieted  for  the 
time  by  what  is  known  as  "the  Missouri  Compro 
mise,"  which  restricted  slavery  to  the  territory 
lying  south  of  the  southern  boundary  of  Missouri. 

The  somewhat  celebrated  "-Monroe  Doctrine" 
is  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  important  results 
of  Monroe's  Administration.  It  was  enunciated 
in  his  message  to  Congress  on  the  2d  of  Decem 
ber,  1823,  and  arose  out  of  his  sympathy  for  the 
new  Republics  then  recently  set  up  in  South 
America.  In  substance  it  was,  that  the  United 
States  would  never  entangle  themselves  with  the 


463  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

quarrels  of  Europe,  nor  al'ow  Europe  to  interfere 
with  the  affairs  of  this  continent. 

In  1830,  the  venerable  ex-President  went  to 
reside  with  his  son-in-law,  Samuel  L.  Gouverneur, 
in  New  York,  where  he  died  in  the  seventy-fourth 
year  of  his  age,  on  the  4th  of  July,  1831,  being  the 
third  of  our  five  Revolutionary  Presidents  to  pass 
from  earth  on  the  anniversary  of  that  memorable 
day,  which  had  contributed  so  largely  to  the 
shaping  of  their  destinies. 


JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS, 

THE  son  of  John  Adams,  our  second  Presi 
dent,  and  himself  the  sixth  chief  executive 
of  the  Union,  was  born  at  Quincy,  Mass., 
on  the  nth  of  July,  1767.  He  enjoyed  rare 
opportunities  for  culture  from  his  mother,  who 
was  a  lady  of  very  superior  talents.  While  yet  a 
mere  boy,  he  twice  accompanied  his  father  to 
Europe,  and  at  the  age  of  fourteen  was  appointed 
private  secretary  to  Francis  Dana,  then  Minister 
to  Russia.  Graduating  from  Harvard  in  1788,110 
studied  law  under  Theophilus  Parsons,  and  com 
menced  practice  in  Boston  in  1791.  In  1794,  he 
was  appointed  by  Washington  Minister  to  Holland. 
In  July,  1797,  he  married  Louisa,  daughter  of 
Joshua  Johnson,  then  American  Consul  at  London. 
In  1797,  his  father,  who  was  then  President,  gave 
him  the  mission  to  Berlin,  being  urged  to  th's 


GOVERNOR   HORACE   BOIES, 
Iowa's  Candidate  for  Nomination  in  1892. 


JOHN-  QUINCY  ADAMS.  .£ 

tecbgnition  of  his  own  son  by  Washington,  who 
pronounced  the  younger  Adams  "  the  most  valu 
able  public  character  we  have  abroad." 

On  the  accession  of  Jefferson  to  the  Presidency, 
Mr.  Adams  was  recalled  from  Berlin.  Soon  after 
his  return,  however,  he  was  elected  to  the  United 
States  Senate,  where  he  speedily  won  a  command 
ing  position,  ardently  supporting  Jefferson's  mea 
sures  of  resistance  against  the  arrogance  and 
insolence  of  England  in  her  encroachments  upon 
our  commerce  and  in  her  impressment  of  our 
seamen.  The  Legislature  of  Massachusetts  having 
censured  him  for  his  course,  Adams  resigned  his 
seat;  but,  in  1809,  was  selected  by  Madison  to 
represent  the  United  States  at  St.  Petersburg. 
On  the  24th  of  December^  1814,  he,  in  conjunction 
with  Clay  and  Gallatin,  concluded  the  Treaty  of 
Ghent,  which  closed  "  the  Second  War  of  Inde 
pendence."  In  1817,  he  was  recalled  to  act  as 
Secretary  of  State  for  President  Monroe. 

At  the  election  for  Monroe's  successor,  in  1824, 
party  spirit  ran  high.  The  contest  was  an  excit 
ing  one.  Of  the  two  hundred  and  sixty  electoral 
votes,  Andrew  Jacksan  received  99,  John  Quincy 
Adams  84,  Win.  H.  Crawford  41,  and  Henry 
Clay  37.  As  there  was  no  choice  by  the  people, 
the  election  devolved  upon  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives.  Here  Mr.  Clay  gave  the  vote  of 
Kentucky  to  Adam",  and  otherwise  promoted  his 
cause,  so  that  he  received  the  votes  of  thirteen 
States,  and  was  elected. 


4--0  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

The  Administration  of  the  younger  Adams  has 
been  characterized  as  the  purest  and  most 
economical  on  record.  Yet,  during  his  entire 
term,  he  was  the  objectof  the  most  rancorous  parti 
san  assaults.  He  had  appointed  Clay  as  his  Sec 
retary  of  State,  whereat  the  Jackson  men  accused 
them  both  of  "  bargaining  and  corruption,"  and  in 
all  ways  disparaged  and  condemned  their  work. 
In  his  official  intercourse,  it  was  said  Adams  often 
displayed  "  a  formal  coldness  which  froze  like  an 
iceberg."  This  coldness  of  manner,  along  with 
his  advocacy  of  a  high  protective  tariff  and  the 
policy  of  internal  improvements,  and  his  known 
hostility  to  slavery,  made  him  many  bitter  enemies, 
especially  in  the  South,  and  at  the  close  of  his 
first  term  he  was  probably  the  most  unpopular 
man  who  could  have  aspired  to  the  Presidency ; 
«ind  yet,  in  his  contest  with  Jackson  at  that  time, 
Adams  received  eighty-three  electoral  votes,  Jack 
son  being  chosen  by  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
eight. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1829,  General  Jackson 
having  been  elected  President,  Mr.  Adams  re 
tired  to  private  life;  but,  in  1831,  was  elected  to 
the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States,  where  he  took  his  seat,  pledged,  as  he  said, 
to  no  party.  He  at  once  became  the  leader  of 
that  little  band,  so  insignificant  in  numbers,  but 
powerful  in  determination  and  courage,  who,  re 
garding  slavery  as  both  a  moral  and  a  political 


JOHN  Q  U1NC  Y  ADAMS.  4  ~  j 

evil,  began,  in  Congress,  to  advocate  its  abolition, 
By  his  continual  presentation  of  petitions  against 
slavery,  he  gradually  yet  irresistibly  led  the  pub 
lie  mind  to  familiarize  itself  with  the  idea  of  its. 
final  extinction.  To  the  fiery  onslaughts  of  the 
Southern  members  he  opposed  a  cold  and  uninv 
passioned  front. 

In  1842,  to  show  his  consistency  in  upholding 
the  right  of  petition,  he  presented  to  Congress 
the  petition  of  some  thirty  or  forty  over-zealous 
anti-slavery  persons  for  the  dissolution  of  the 
Union.  This  brought  upon  the  venerable  ex- 
President  a  perfect  tempest  of  indignation.  Reso 
lutions  to  expel  him  were  introduced  ;  but,  after 
eleven  days  of  stormy  discussion,  they  were  laid 
on  the  table.  The  intrepidity  displayed  by  "  the 
old  man  eloquent  "  was  beginning  to  tell.  Even 
those  who  most  bitterly  opposed  his  doctrines 
were  learning  to  respect  him.  When,  after  a 
season  of  illness,  he  re-appeared  in  Congress,  in 
February,  1847,  every  member  instinctively  rose 
in  his  seat  to  do  the  old  man  honor.  On  the 
2  ist  of  February,  1848,  Mr.  Adams  was  struck 
down  by  paralysis  on  the  floor  of  the  House  of 
Representatives.  He  was  taken,  senseless,  into 
an  ante  room.  Recovering  his  consciousness,  he 
looked  calmly  around,  and  said:  "This  is  the  last 
of  earth:  I  am  content."  These  were  his  last 
words.  In  an  apartment  beneath  the  dome  of  the 
Capitol  he  expired,  on  February  23d,  in  the 
eighty-first  year  of  his  age. 


47?  °UR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

ANDREW  JACKSON, 

SEVENTH  President  of  the  United  States, 
was  born  in  Mecklenburg  County,  North 
Carolina,  on  the  i5th  of  March,  1/67.  His 
father,  who  was  a  poor  Irishman,  dying  a  few  days 
before  Andrew's  birth,  he  and  his  two  older 
brothers  were  left  to  the  care  of  his  mother. 
The  boys  had  little  schooling.  And/ew  was  a 
rude,  turbulent  lad,  at  once  vindictive  and  gener 
ous,  full  of  mischief,  but  resolute,  of  indomitable 
courage,  and  wonderfully  self-reliant.  When  but 
thirteen,  fired  by  the  death. of  his  oldest  brother, 
who  had  perished  from  heat  and  exhaustion  at 
the  Battle  of  Stono,  he  shouldered  a  musket  and 
took  part  in  the  War  of  Independence.  He  and 
his  remaining  brother  were  made  prisoners  by 
the  British,  but  were  soon  released  through  the 
exertions  of  their  mother.  It  was  during  this 

o 

captivity  that  Andrew  received  a  wound  from  a 
British  officer  for  refusing  to  black  the  boots  of 
that  dignitary.  Both  the  released  boys  were  soon 
sent  home  with  the  small-pox,  of  which  the  elder 
died,  and  Andrew  barely  escaped  death.  The 
mother  went  next,  dying  of  ship  fever,  contracted 
while  attending  upon  the  patriot  prisoners  at 
Charleston.  Thus  left  an  orphan,  Andrew  worked 
a  short  time  in  a  saddler's  shop.  He  then  tried 
school-teaching,  and  finally  studied  law,  being 


ANDREW  JACKSON. 

admitted  to  practice  when  but  twenty  years  old. 
At  that  time  he  was  very  commanding  in  appear 
ance,  being  six  feet  one  inch  in  height,  and  dis 
tinguished  for  courage  and  activity. 

In  1791,  Jackson  married,  at  Nashville,  where 
he  had  built  up  a  lucrative  practice,  Mrs.  Rachel 
Robards,  the  divorced  wife,  as  both  he  and  the 
lady  herself  supposed,  of  Mr.  Lewis  Robards. 
They  had  lived  together  two  years,  when  it  was 
discovered  that  Mrs.  Robards  was  not  fully  di 
vorced  at  the  time  of  her  second  marriage.  As, 
however,  the  divorce  had  subsequently  been  per 
fected,  the  marriage  ceremony  was  performed 
anew,  in  1794.  In  after  years,  this  unfortunate 
mistake  was  made  the  basis  of  many  calumni 
ous  charges  against  Jackson  by  his  partisan 
enemies. 

Tennessee  having  been  made  a  State  in  1796, 
Jackson  was  successively  its  Representative  and 
Senator  in  Congress,  and  a  Judge  of  its  Supreme 
Court.  Resigning  his  judgeship  in  1804,  he  en 
tered  into  and  carried  on  for  a  number  of  years 
an  extensive  trading  business.  He  was  also 
elected  at  this  period  major-general  in  the  militia. 
In  1806  he  was  severely  wounded  in  a  duel  with 
Charles  Dickenson,  who  had  been  making  dis 
paraging  remarks  against  his  wife,  something 
which  Jackson  could  neither  forget  nor  forgive. 
Dickenson  fell  mortally  wounded,  and,  after  suf 
fering  intense  agony  for  a  short  time,  died.  This 


474  OLR  FORMER  PRESWEXTS. 

sad  affair,  in  which  Jackson  displayed  much  vin 
dictiveness,  made  him  for  awhile  very  unpopular, 
When,  in  1812,  war  was  declared  against  Eng 
land,  Jackson  promptly  offered  his  services  to  the 
General  Government.  During  the  summer  of 
1813  he  had  another  of  those  personal  rencontres 
into  which  his  fiery  temper  was  continually  lead 
ing  him.  In  an  affray  with  Thomas  H.  Benton,  he 
received  a  pistol-shot  in  the  shoulder  at  the  hands 
of  Benton's  brother,  from  the  effects  of  which  he 
never  fully  recovered.  He  was  still  suffering 
from  the  immediate  consequences  of  this  wound, 
when  tidings  were  received  at  Nashville  of  the 

o 

massacre  at  Fort  Mimms  by  Creek  Indians.  Jack 
son,  regardless  of  his  wounds,  at  once  took  the 
field.  An  energetic  campaign,  in  which,  winning 
victory  after  victory,  he  established  his  reputation 
as  one  of  our  best  military  chieftains,  ended  the 
Creek  War,  and  broke  forever  the  power  of  the 
Indian  races  in  North  America. 

In  May,  1814,  Jackson  was  made  a  major-gen 
eral  in  the  regular  army  and  became  the  acknowl 
edged  military  leader  in  the  Southwest.  New 
Orleans  being  threatened  by  the  British,  he  hast 
ened  to  defend  it.  There,  on  the  8th  of  January, 
1815,  with  less  than  five  thousand  men,  mostly 
untrained  militia,  he  repulsed  the  attack  of  a  well- 
appointed  army  of  nearly  fourteen  thousand  vet 
eran  tro.ops,  under  some  of  the  most  distinguished 
officers  in  the  English  service.  Generals  Paken- 


ANDREW  JACKSON.  475 

ham  and  Gibbs,  of  the  British  forces,  were  killed, 
together  with  seven  hundred  of  their  men,  fourteen 
hundred  more  beina-  wounded  and  five  hundred 

o 

taken  prisoners.  Jackson  lost  but  eight  killed  and 
fourteen  wounded.  Ten  days  later  the  enemy 
withdrew,  leaving  many  of  their  guns  behind 
them.  The  full  glory  of  Jackson's  triumph  at 
New  Orleans  partisan  rancor  subsequently  sought 
to  dim.  But  high  military  authorities,  even  in 
England,  have  sustained  the  popular  judgment 
that  it  was  a  brilliant  victory,  achieved  by  rare 
foresight,  wise  conduct,  and  undoubted  warlike 
genius. 

Jackson's  success  at  New  Orleans  gave  him 
immense  popularity.  He  received  a  vote  of 
thanks  from  Congress,  was  made  Commander-in- 
chief  of  the  southern  division  of  the  army,  and 
even  began  to  be  talked  of  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency.  President  Monroe  offered  him  the 
post  of  Secretary  of  War.  In  the  Serninole  War, 
which  commenced  about  the  close  of  1817,  he 
took  the  field  in  person.  He  was  successful, 
with  but  little  fighting.  His  execution  of  Arbuth- 
not  and  Armbruster,  two  British  subjects,  found 
guilty  by  a  military  court  of  inciting  the  Indians 
to  hostilities,  caused  an  angry  discussion  between 
England  and  the  United  States  which  at  one  time 
threatened  to  end  in  open  rupture.  In  Congress, 
also,  it  excited  a  warm  debate ;  but  resolutions 
censuring  the  General  were  rejected  by  the 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

House,  and  came  to  no  conclusion  in  the 
Senate. 

When  Spain  ceded  Florida  to  the  Union,  Jack 
son  was  appointed  Governor  of  the  Territory. 
In  1823  he  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Sen 
ate  by  the  Legislature  of  Tennessee,  which,  at  the 
same  time,  nominated  him  for  the  Presidency. 
This  nomination,  though  ridiculed  on  account  of 
Jackson's  alleged  unfitness  for  the  office,  never 
theless  resulted,  at  the  enduing  election,  in  his 
receiving  more  votes  than  any  other  single  can 
didate  ;  but  the  choice  devolving  on  the  Houses 
of  Representatives,  Adams,  as  we  have  seen,  was 
elected.  For  Henry  Clay's  part  in  this  success  of 
Adams,  Jackson  became  his  bitter  enemy,  stigma 
tizing  him  as  the  "  Judas  of  the  West."  In  the 
next  campaign,  however,  Jackson  achieved  a  de 
cided  triumph,  having  a  majority  of  eighty-three 
out  of  two  hundred  and  sixty-one  electoral  votes. 

In  retaliation  for  the  bitter  personal  attacks  he 
had  received  during  the  campaign,  Jackson  com 
menced  a  wholesale  political  proscription  of  his 
partisan  opponents.  Adopting  the  war-cry  of  his 
Secretary  of  State,  Marcy,  of  New  York,  that 
"to  the  victors  belong  the  spoils,"  he  initiated  that 
system,  ever  since  so  prevalent,  of  turning  out  of 
office  every  man  not  on  the  side  of  the  winning 
party.  His  veto  of  the  bill  re-chartering  the 
United  States  Bank,  which  fora  time  caused  quite 
a  panic  in  commercial  circles,  and  his  determined 


ANDRE W  JA CKSON.  A~J 

stand  against  the  "  nullifiers,"  under  the  lead  of 
Calhoun,  who,  with  threats  of  armed  resistance, 
demanded  a  reduction  of  the  tariff,  excited  a  warm 
opposition  to  the  President.  But,  in  spite  of 
every  effort,  the  election  of  1828  brought  him 
again  into  the  Presidential  chair  with  an  over 
whelming  majority,  he  receiving  two  hundred 
and  nineteen  electoral  votes  out  of  two  hundred 
and  eighty-eight,  which  was  then  the  total  number. 

On  the  loth  of  December,  1832,  Jackson  was 
compelled  by  the  conduct  of  South  Carolina  to 
issue  a  proclamation  threatening  to  use  the  army 
in  case  of  resistance  to  the  execution  of  the  tariff 
laws;  but,  fortunately,  Mr.  Clay  succeeded  in 
bringing  about  a  compromise,  by  which,  the  tariff 
being  modified,  the  South  Carolinians  were  ena 
bled  to  recede  from  their  position  with  becoming 
dignity. 

Jackson's  removal  of  the  deposits,  in  1833, 
caused  an  intense  excitement  throughout  the 
country.  In  Congress,  his  course  was  censured 
by  the  Senate,  but  approved  by  the  House.  A 
panic  existed  for  some  time  in  business  circles ; 
but  before  the  close  of  his  second  term  the  great 
mass  of  the  people  were  content  with  the  Presi 
dent's  course. 

Jackson's  foreign  diplomacy  had  been  verf 
successful.  Useful  commercial  treaties  were? 
made  with  several  countries  and  renewed  with 
others.  Indemnities  for  spoliations  on  American 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

commerce  were  obtained  from  various  foreign 
countries.  The  national  debt  was  extinguished, 
the  Cherokees  were  removed  from  Georgia  and 
the  Creeks  from  Florida,  while  the  original  num 
ber  of  the  States  was  doubled  by  the  admission 
into  the  Union  of  Arkansas,  in  1836,  and  of 
Michigan,  in  1837.  On  the  other  hand,  the  slavery 
dispute  was  renewed  with  much  bitterness,  and 
the  Seminole  War  re-commenced. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1837,  Jackson  retired 
from  public  life.  He  returned  to  "  the  Hermit 
age,"  his  country  seat,  where  he  remained  until 
his  death,  on  the  8th  of  June,  1845.  The  imme 
diate  cause  of  his  death  was  dropsy;  but  through 
the  greater  part  of  his  life  he  had  been  a  sufferer 
from  disease  in  one  form  or  another. 

General  Jackson  has  been  described  as  a  man 
of  unbounded  hospitality.  He  loved  fine  horses 
and  had  a  passion  for  racing  them.  "  His  temper," 
writes  Colonel  Benton,  "  was  placable  as  well  as 
irascible,  and  his  reconciliations  were  cordial  and 
sincere."  He  abhorred  debt,  public  as  well  as 
private.  His  love  of  country  was  a  master  pas 
sion.  "  He  was  a  thoroughly  honest  man,  as 
straightforward  in  action  as  his  thoughts  were 
unsophisticated."  Of  book-knowledge  he  pos 
sessed  little — scarcely  anything;  but  his  vigorous 
native  intelligence  and  intuitive  judgment  carried 
him  safely  through  where  the  most  profound 
learning  without  them  would  have  failed. 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN.  *-„ 


MARTIN   VAN   BUREN, 

THE  eighth  chief  executive  of  the  Union, 
was  the  son  of  a  thrifty  farmer  in  the  old 
town  of  Kinderhook,  in  Columbia  County, 
New  York,  where  he  was  born  on  the  5th  of 
December,  1782.  Early  evidencing  unusual 
mental  vigor,  a  good  academic  education  was 
given  to  him.  Finishing  this  at  the  age  of  four 
teen,  he  then  began  the  study  of  the  law.  After 
seven  years  of  study  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar, 
and  commenced  to  practice  in  his  native  village. 
His  growing  reputation  and  practice  warranting 
him  in  seeking  a  wider  field,  in  1809  he  removed 
to  Hudson.  In  1812,  he  was  elected  to  the  Sen 
ate  of  New  York ;  and,  in  1815,  having  been 
appointed  Attorney-General  of  the  State,  he  re 
moved  to  Albany.  In  1821,  he  was  elected  to 
the  United  States  Senate,  and  was  also  a  member 
of  the  Convention  to  revise  the  Constitution  of 
New  York.  He  speedily  rose  to  distinction  in 
the  National  Senate,  and,  in  1827,  was  re-elected 
to  that  body,  but  the  year  following  resigned 
his  seat  to  take  the  position  of  Governor  of  New 
York. 

In  1829,  General  Jackson,  whose  election  to 
the  Presidency  was  no  doubt  due  in  a  great  mea 
sure  to  the  shrewd  political  management  of  Van 
Buren,  offered  him  the  post  of  Secretary  of  State, 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

In  1831,  circumstances  making  it  necessary  for 
Jackson  to  re-organize  his  Cabinet,  Van  Buren 
resigned  his  Secretaryship,  but  was  immediately 
named  Minister  to  England.  The  Senate,  how 
ever,  greatly  to  the  President's  dissatisfaction, 
refused  to  confirm  the  nomination,  though  Van 
Buren  had  already  reached  London.  This  rejec 
tion  of  his  friend  aroused  all  of  Jackson's  deter 
mined  spirit.  He  not  only  succeeded  in  placing 
Mr.  Van  Buren  in  the  Vice-Presidency  during  his 
own  second  term,  but  he  also  began  to  work  zeal 
ously  to  obtain  Van  Buren's  nomination  as  his 
successor  in  the  Presidency.  He  triumphed,  and 
his  friend  received  the  Democratic  nomination, 
and  was  elected  by  a  handsome  majority,  taking 
his  seat  in  the  Presidential  chair  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1837. 

Shortly  after  Van  Buren's  inauguration,  a  finan 
cial  panic,  ascribed  to  General  Jackson's  desire  to 
make  specie  the  currency  of  the  country,  and  his 
consequent  war  upon  the  banks,  brought  the 
country  to  the  very  verge  of  ruin.  Failures 
came  fast  and  frequent,  and  all  the  great  indus 
tries  of  the  nation  were  paralyzed.  At  the  same 
time,  the  war  in  Florida  against  the  Seminoles  lin 
gered  along,  without  the  slightest  apparent  pros 
pect  of  coming  to  an  end,  entailing  enormous 
expenses  on  the  Government;  while  the  anti- 
slavery  agitation,  growing  steadily  stronger,  ex 
cited  mobs  and  violence,  and  threatened  to  shake 


MAR  TIN  VAN  B  UREN. 

the  Republic  from  its  foundations.  Rightly  or 
wrongly,  these  troubles  were  attributed  to  Presi 
dent  Van  Buren  and  his  party,  as  resulting  from 
the  policy  they  had  pursued.  His  popularity 
waned  rapidly,  and  at  the  Presidential  election  in 
1840,  in  which  he  was  a  candidate  for  re-election, 
he  was  overwhelmingly  defeated. 

Retiring  to  Lindenwald,  his  fine  estate  near 
Kinclerhook,  Van  Buren,  in  1844,  endeavored  to 
procure  a  re-nomination  for  the  Presidency,  but 
was  unsuccessful,  though  a  majority  of  delegates 
was  pledged  to  support  him.  His  defeat  was  due 
to  the  opposition  of  Southern  members,  based  on 
the  fact  that  he  had  written  a  letter  adverse  to 
the  annexation  of  Texas. 

In  1848,  he  was  brought  forward  by  the  Free-soil 
Democrats.  Though  not  elected,  the  party  which 
had  nominated  him  showed  unexpected  strength, 
nearly  three  hundred  thousand  votes  having  been 
cast  in  his  favor. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  now  retired  from  public  life. 
Fourteen  years  later,  at  the  age  of  eighty,  on  the 
24th  of  July,  1862,  he  died  at  Lindenwald.  He 
was  a  man  of  more  than  ordinary  ability,  of  culti 
vated  manners,  and  genial  disposition.  Though 
shrewd,  he  was  not  a  dishonest  politician.  His 
private  character  was  beyond  reproach.  He  de 
serves  a  conspicuous  position  among  those  who 
have  been  worthy  successors  of  our  immortal 
first  President. 

31 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON. 

WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON,  ninth 
President  of  the  United  States,  was 
born  at  Berkeley,  on  the  banks  of  the 
James  River,  in  Virginia,  on  the  9th  of  February, 
1773.  His  father,  Benjamin  Harrison,  was  one  of 
the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
and  for  several  years  Governor  of  Virginia.  Hav 
ing  received  a  good  education  at  Hampden-Sid 
ney  College,  young  Harrison  began  the  study  of 
medicine;  but  the  barbarities  of  the  savages  on 
our  northwestern  frontier  having  excited  his 
sympathies  in  behalf  of  the  suffering  settlers,  he 
determined  to  enter  the  army,  as  being  a  place 
where  he  could  do  good  service.  Accordingly,  in 
1791,  shortly  after  St.  Clair's  defeat,  he  obtained, 
from  President  Washington  a  commission  as  en- 

o 

sign  in  the  artillery.  Though  winter  was  coming 
on,  he  at  once  set  out  on  foot  across  the  wilder 
ness  to  Pittsburg,  whence  he  descended  the  Ohio 
to  Fort  Washington,  now  Cincinnati.  He  soon 
became  a  favorite  with  his  superiors,  and  by  his 
bravery  in  battle  speedily  attained  the  rank  of 
captain.  In  1 797,  when  but  twenty-four  years  old, 
having  recently  married,  he  resigned  his  commis 
sion,  to  accept  the  secretaryship  of  the  Northwest 
Territory.  In  1801,  he  was  appointed  Governor 
of  "  the  Indiana  Territory,"  comprising  the  present 


WILLIAM  HENR  Y  HARRISON. 

States  of  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Wisconsin.  This 
office  he  filled  satisfactorily  to  both  whites  and 
Indians  for  twelve  years,  during  which  time  he 
negotiated  many  excellent  treaties. 

During  the  summer  of  181 1,  the  Indians  of  the 
Northwest,  under  the  lead  of  the  celebrated  Te- 
cumseh,  and  instigated,  it  is  thought,  by  the  emis 
saries  of  England,  with  whom  we  were  upon  the 
point  of  going  to  war,  broke  out  into  open  hos 
tility.  Collecting  a  considerable  force  of  militia 
and  volunteers,  Harrison  took  the  field.  On  the 
7th  of  November,  he  encountered  and  defeated 
Tecumseh  on  the  banks  of  the  Tippecanoe  River. 
This  was  one  of  the  most  hotly  contested  battles 
ever  fought  between  the  Indians  and  the  whites. 

o 

Its  victorious  results  added  greatly  to  Harrison's 
already  high  reputation;  and  in  1812,  after  Hull's 
ignominious  surrender  of  Detroit,  he  was  ap 
pointed  commander-in-chief  of  the  Army  of  the 
Northwest.  Invested  with  almost  absolute  power, 
he  displayed  ar»  energy,  sagacity,  and  courage 
which  justified  the  confidence  reposed  in  him. 
By  almost  superhuman  exertions,  he  managed  to 
collect  an  arrn.y.  Perry,  on  the  loth  of  Septem 
ber,  1813,  having  defeated  the  British  fleet  on 
Lake  Erie,  Harrison,  who  had  been  waiting  the 
course  of  events,  now  hastened  to  take  the  field. 
Crossing  into  Canada,  he  repossessed  Detroit, 
and,  pushing  on  in  pursuit  of  the  flying  enemy, 
finally  brought  them  to  a  stand  on  the  banks  of 


434  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

the  Thames.  Here,  after  a  brief  but  sanguinary 
contest,  the  British  and  their  savage  allies  were 
defeated  with  heavy  loss.  Tecumseh,  the  leading 
spirit  of  the  Indians,  was  left  dead  on  the  field. 
Harrison's  triumph  was  complete  and  decisive. 

Shortly  after  this  victory,  which  gave,  peace  to 
the  Northwest,  Harrison,  having  had  some  diffi 
culty  with  the  Secretary  of  War,  threw  up  his 
commission,  but  was  appointed  by  the  President 
to  negotiate  a  treaty  with  the  Indians.  In  1816, 
he  was  elected  to  the  lower  house  of  Congress, 
where  he  gained  considerable  reputation,  both  as 
an  active  working  member  and  as  an  eloquent 
and  effective  speaker.  In  1824,  he  was  sent  from 
Ohio  to  the  United  States  Senate.  In  1828,  he 
was  appointed  by  John  Qtiincy  Adams  Minister 
to  the  Republic  of  Colombia ;  but  President  Jack 
son,  who  bore  him  no  good-will,  the  following 
year  recalled  him.  On  his  return  home,  he  retired 
to  his  farm  at  North  Bend,  on  the  Ohio  River, 
and  was  presently  elected  clerk  of  the  Hamilton 
County  Court.  In  1836,  he  was  one  of  the  four 
candidates  who  ran  against  Van  Buren  for  the 
Presidency.  Jackson's  favorite,  as  we  have  seen, 
came  out  ahead  in  this  race.  But,  though  Harri 
son  was  not  elected,  there  was  such  evidence  of 
his  popularity  as  to  warrant  the  Whigs  in  uniting 
upon  him  as  their  candidate  in  the  campaign  of  1 840. 

That  campaign  was  a  memorable  one.  It  was, 
perhaps,  the  most  exciting,  yet,  at  the  same  time, 


CALVIN   S.    BRICE. 


X'lLLIAM  HENR  y  HARRISON. 

one  of  the  freest  from  extreme  partisan  bitterness, 
of  any  Presidential  canvass  ever  known.  As 
"  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe "  and  "  the  log-cabin 
candidate,"  which  latter  phrase  was  first  used  in 
contempt,  Harrison  swept  everything  before  him, 
securing  two  hundred  and  thirty-four  out  of  the 
two  hundred  and  ninety-four  electoral  votes  cast, 
and  this,  too,  in  spite  of  all  the  efforts  of  Jackson 
to  prevent  his  success.  His  journey  to  be  inau 
gurated  was  one  continued  ovation.  His  inauori- 

o  o 

ration,  which  took  place  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1841,  was  witnessed  by  a  vast  concourse  of  peo 
ple  from  all  parts  of  the  Union.  His  address,  by 
the  moderation  of  its  tone,  and  by  its  plain,  prac 
tical,  common-sense  views,  confirmed  his  immense 
popularity.  Selecting  for  his  Cabinet  some  of 
the  most  eminent  public  men  of  the  country,  he 
began  his  Administration  with  the  brightest  pros 
pects.  But,  in  the  midst  of  these  pleasing  antici 
pations,  he  was  suddenly  attacked  by  a  fit  of 
sickness,  which,  in  a  few  days  terminated  in  his 
death,  on  the  4th  of  April,  just  one  month  after 
his  inauguration.  His  last  words,  spoken  in  the 
delirium  of  fever,  were  characteristic  of  the  con 
scientiousness  with  which  he  had  accepted  the 
responsibilities  of  the  Presidential  office.  "  Sir," 
he  said,  as  if,  conscious  of  his  approaching  end, 
he  were  addressing  his  successor,  "  I  wish  you  to 
understand  the  principles  of  the  Government.  I 
wish  them  carried  out.  I  ask  nothing  more." 


486  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENT^ 

The  sudden  and  unexpected  death  of  President 
Harrison  threw  the  whole  country  into  mourning. 
Much  had  been  hoped  from  him,  as  one  who  had 
the  best  interests  of  every  portion  of  the  Union 
at  heart.  There  was  a  noble  simplicity  in  his 
character  which  had  won  all  hearts.  Without 
being  brilliant,  his  was  an  intellect  of  solid,  sub 
stantial  worth.  He  was  a  frank,  guileless-hearted 
man,  of  incorruptible  integrity,  and  stands  forth 
among  our  Presidents,  brief  as  was  his  official 
term,  as  a  noble  representative  of  the  plain,  prac 
tical,  honest  yeomanry  of  the  land.  "  Not  one 
single  spot,"  says  Abbott,  "can  be  found  to  sully 
the  brightness  of  his  fame ;  and  through  all  the 
ages,  Americans  will  pronounce  with  love  and 
reverence  the  name  of  William  Henry  Harrison." 


JOHN  TYLER. 

ON   the  death  of  General   Harrison,  April 
4th,  1841,  for  the  first  time  in  our  history 
the  administration  of  the  Government  de 
volved  on   the  Vice-President.     The  gentleman 
thus  elevated  to  the  Presidency  was  John  Tyler, 
the   son  of  a   wealthy  landholder  of  Virginia,  at 
one   time    Governor    of   that    State.       Born     in 
Charles   City  County,  March    29th,    1790,   young 
Tyler,  at   the  age   of  seventeen,  graduated   from 
William  and  Mary  College  with  the  reputation  of 


JOHN  TYLER.  g- 

having  delivered  the  best  commencement  oration 
ever  heard  by  the  faculty.  When  only  nineteen 
he  began  to  practice  law,  rising  to  eminence  in 
his  profession  with  surprising  rapidity.  Two 
years  later  he  was  elected  to  the  Legislature. 
After  serving  five  successive  terms  in  the  Legis 
lature,  he  was,  in  1816,  in  1817,  and  again  in 
1819,  elected  to  Congress.  Compelled  by  ill- 
health  to  resign  his  seat  in  Congress,  he  was,  in 
1825,  chosen  Governor  of  the  State.  In  1827,  he 
was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  over  the 
celebrated  John  Randolph,  of  Roanoke. 

During  the  whole  of  his  Congressional  career, 
Mr.  Tyler  was  an  earnest  advocate  of  the  strict 
construction  doctrines  of  the  then  Democratic 
party,  opposing  the  United  States  Bank,  a  protec 
tive  tariff,  internal  improvements  by  the  General 
Government,  and,  in  short,  all  measures  tending 
to  the  centralization  of  power.  He  was  also  an 
ardent  opponent  of  any  restrictions  upon  slavery, 
and  avowed  his  sympathies  with  the  nullification 
theories  of  Calhoun.  On  this  last  subject  he 
finally  came  into  the  opposition  against  Jackson. 
In  the  session  of  i833~'34,  he  voted  for  Clay's 
resolutions  censxiring  Jackson  for  his  removal  of 
the  deposits.  In  1836,  when  the  Virginia  Legis 
lature  instructed  its  representatives  in  Congress 
to  vote  for  the  rescinding  of  these  resolutions, 
Mr.  Tyler,  who  had  early  committed  himself  to 
the  right  of  instruction,  could  not  conscientiously 


488  OUR  J-ORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

comply  with  the  request  of  the  Legislature,  noi 
hold  his  seat  in  disregard  of  its  mandate,  and  ac 
cordingly  resigned.  In  1838,  he  was  again  sent 
to  the  Legislature,  and,  in  1839,  we  find  him  a 
delegate  to  the  Whig  National  Convention, 
which,  at  Harrisburg,  nominated  Harrison  and 
himself  as  candidates  for  President  and  Vice- 
President.  Of  the  campaign  which  followed,  and 
of  the  subsequent  death  of  Harrison,  we  have 
already  given  an  account. 

On  receiving1  tidings  of  the  President's  death, 

o  o 

Mr.  Tyler  hastened  to  Washington,  and,  on  the 
6th  of  April,  was  inaugurated,  and  he  retained 
all  the  Cabinet  officers  Harrison  had  appointed. 
Three  days  later,  he  issued  an  inaugural  address, 
which  was  well  received,  both  by  the  public  and 
by  his  partisan  friends,  who,  knowing  his  antece 
dents,  had  been  somewhat  dubious  as  to  what 
policy  he  would  pursue.  But  this  was  only  the 
calm  before  the  storm.  Tyler's  veto  of  the  bill 
for  a  "  fiscal  bank  of  the  United  States,"  led  to  a 
complete  rupture  with  the  party  by  which  he  had 
been  elected,  who  charged  him  with  treachery  to 
his  principles.  Attempting  conciliation,  he  only 
displeased  the  Democrats,  who  had  at  first  shown 
a  disposition  to  stand  by  him,  without  regaining 
the  favor  of  the  Whigs.  In  consequence  of  this 
course  of  action,  Tyler's  Cabinet  all  resigned, 
and  in  their  places  several  Democrats  were  ap 
pointed. 


JOHN  TYLER.  489 

During  his  Administration  several  very  impor 
tant  measures  were  adopted.  Among  them  the 
act  establishing  a  uniform  system  of  bankruptcy, 
passed  in  1841,  the. tariff  law  of  1842,  and  the 
scheme  for  the  annexation  of  Texas,  which,  by  the 
vigorous  efforts  of  the  President,  was  brought  to 
a  successful  issue  by  the  passage  of  joint  resolu 
tions  in  Congress,  on  the  ist  of  March,  1845,  just 
three  days  before  the  close  of  his  term.  The 
formal  act  of  annexation,  however,  was  not  passed 
until  a  later  period.  One  new  State — Florida — 
was  also  admitted  into  the  Union  under  Mr. 
Tyler's  Administration,  in  1845. 

After  his  retirement  from  the  Presidency,  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1845,  Mr.  Tyler  remained  in 
private  life  at  his  beautiful  home  of  Sherwood 
Forest,  in  Charles  City  County,  till,  in  1861,  he 
appeared  as  a  member  of  the  Peace  Convention, 
composed  of  delegates  from  the  "  Border  States," 
which  met  at  Washington  to  endeavor  to  arrange 
terms  of  compromise  between  the  seceded  States 
and  the  General  Government.  Of  this  Conven 
tion,  which  accomplished  nothing,  he  was  presi 
dent. 

Subsequently,  Mr.  Tyler  renounced  his  alle 
giance  to  the  United  States,  and  was  chosen  a 
member  of  the  Confederate  Congress.  While 
acting  in  this  capacity  he  was  taken  sick  at  Rich 
mond,  where  he  died  after  a  brief  illness,  on  the 
of  January,  1862. 


490  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


JAMES  KNOX  POLK. 

MECKLENBURG  County,  North  Caro 
lina,  has  the  distinction  of  being  the 
birthplace  of  two  Presidents  of  the 
United  States — Andrew  Jackson  and  James  Knox 
Polk — the  latter  of  whom  was  born  there  on  the 
2d  of  November,  1795.  Like  his  friend  and 
neighbor,  General  Jackson,  Mr.  Polk  was  of 
Scotch-Irish  descent.  It  was  his  great-uncle,  Col 
onel  Thomas  Polk,  who,  on  the  igth  of  May,  1775, 
read  from  the  steps  of  the  court-house,  at  Char 
lotte,  that  famous  "Mecklenburg  Declaration  of 
Independence,"  to  which  reference  has  been  made 
in  our  sketch  of  Jefferson.  James  at  a  very  early 
age  manifested  decided  literary  tastes.  After  a 
vain  attempt  to  induce  him  to  become  a  store 
keeper,  his  father  finally  consented  to  his  enter 
ing  the  University  of  North  Carolina,  at  Chapel 
Hill,  from  which,  in  his  twenty-third  year,  he  grad 
uated  with  the  highest  honors.  Studying  law  at 
Nashville,  Tennessee,  where  he  renewed  a  former 
acquaintance  with  General  Jackson,  he  was  ad 
mitted  to  the  bar,  and  commenced  practice  at 
Columbia. 

In  1823,  he  was  elected  to  the  Legislature  of 
Tennessee,  and  during  the  following  year  was 
married  to  Miss  Sarah  Childress,  a  beautiful  and 
accomplished  young  lady,  of  refined  manners  and 


JAMES  KNOX  POLK. 

rare  social  gifts.  In  the  fall  of  1825,  fie  was 
elected  to  Congress,  where  he  remained  the  next 
fourteen  years,  during  five  sessions  occupying  the 
responsible  and  honorable  position  of  Speaker  of 
the  House,  the  duties  of  which  he  performed  with 
a  dignity  and  dispassionateness  which  won  for  him 
the  warmest  encomiums  from  all  parties.  In  1839, 
he  was  chosen  Governor  of  Tennessee.  Again  a 
candidate  in  1841,  and  also  in  1843,  ne  was  both 
times  defeated, — a  result  due  to  one  of  those 
periodical  revolutions  in  politics  which  seem  in 
separable  from  republican  forms  of  government, 
rather  than  to  Mr.  Folk's  lack  of  personal  popu 
larity. 

As  the  avowed  friend  of  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  Mr.  Polk,  in  1844,  was  nominated  by  the 
Democrats  for  the  Presidency.  Though  he  had 
for  his  opponent  no  less  a  person  than  the  great 
and  popular  orator  and  statesman,  Henry  Clay,  he 
received  one  hundred  and  seventy  out  of  two  hun 
dred  and  seventy-five  votes  in  the  electoral  col 
lege.  He  was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1845.  Three  days  previously,  his  predecessor, 
John  Tyler,  had  signed  the  joint  resolutions  ot 
Congress  favoring  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the 

D  o 

United  States.  Consequently,  at  the  very  begin 
ning  of  his  Administration,  Mr.  Polk  found  the 
country  involved  in  disputes  with  Mexico,  which, 
on  the  formal  annexation  of  Texas,  in  December, 
1845.  threatened  to  result  in  hostilities  between 


492 


FORMER 


the  two  countries.  General  Zachary  Taylor  was 
sent  with  a  small  army  to  occupy  the  territory 
stretching  from  the  Neuces  to  the  Rio  Grande, 
which  latter  stream  Texas  claimed  as  her  western 
boundary.  Mexico,  on  the  other  hand,  declaring 
that  Texas  had  never  extended  further  west  than 
the  Neuces,  dispatched  a  force  to  watch  Taylor. 
A  slight  collision,  in  April,  1846,  was  followed,  a 
few  clays  later,  by  the  battles  of  Palo  Alto  and 
Resaca  de  la  Palma,  in  which  General  Taylor  was 
victorious.  When  the  tidings  of  these  battles 
reached  Washington,  the  President,  on  May  i  tth, 
sent  a  special  message  to  Congress,  declaring 
"  that  war  existed  by  the  act  of  Mexico,"  and  ask 
ing  for  men  and  money  to  carry  it  on.  Congress 
promptly  voted  ten  million  dollars,  and  authorized 
the  President  to  call  out  fifty  thousand  volun 
teers.  Hostilities  were  prosecuted  vigorously.  An 
American  army,  under  General  Scott,  finally  fought 
its  way  to  'the  capture  of  the  City  of  Mexico.  On 
the  2cl  of  February,  1848,  the  treaty  of  Guaola- 
loupe  Hidalgo  was  signed,  and  ratified  by  the 
Senate  on  the  loth  of  March  following,  by  which 
New  Mexico  and  Upper  California,  comprising  a 
territory  of  more  than  half  a  million  square  miles, 
were  added  to  the  United  States.  In  return,  the 
United  States  agreed  to  pay  Mexico  fifteen  mil 
lion  of  dollars,  and  to  assume  the  debts  due  by 
Mexico  to  citizens  of  the  United  States,  amount 
ing  to  three  and  a  half  millions  mpre. 


JAMES  KNOX  POLK. 

Besides  Texas,  two  other  States  were  admitted 
into  the  Union  durino-  Mr.  Folk's  Administration. 

C3 

These  were  Iowa  and  Wisconsin — the  former  in 
1846  and  the  latter  in  1848. 

When  the  war  with  Mexico  first  broke  out, 
negotiations  were  pending  between  England  and 
the  United  States,  in  regard  to  Oregon,  which  we 
had  long  deemed  a  portion  of  our  own  territory. 
"  Fifty-four  forty  [54°  40']  or  fight !"  had  been  one 
of  the  Democratic  battle-cries  during  the  canvass 
which  resulted  in  Mr.  Folk's  election,  and  he,  in 
his  inaugural,  had  maintained  that  our  title  to 
Oregon  was  unquestionable.  England,  however, 
still  urged  her  claim  to  the  whole  country.  After 
considerable  negotiation,  the  President  finally,  as 
an  amicable  compromise,  offered  the  boundary  of 
the  parallel  of  49°,  giving  Vancouver's  Island  to 
Great  Britain.  His  offer  was  accepted,  and  war 
perhaps  avoided.  Another  important  measure  of 
Mr.  Folk's  Administration  was  a  modification  of 
the  tariff,  in  1846,  by  which  its  former  protective 
features  were  much  lessened. 

On  his  nomination,  in  1844,  Mr.  Polk  had  pledged 
himself  to  the  one-term  principle.  Consequently 
he  was  not  a  candidate  for  re-election  in  1848. 
Having  witnessed  the  inauguration  of  his  suc 
cessor.  General  Taylor,  he  returned  to  his  home 
near  Nashville.  "  He  was  then,"  says  Abbott, 
but  fifty-four  years  of  age.  He  had  ever  been 
strictly  temperate  in  his  habits,  and  his  health  was 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

good.  With  an  ample  fortune,  a  choice  library,  a 
cultivated  mind,  and  domestic  ties  of  the  dearest 
nature,  it  seemed  as  though  long  years  of  tran 
quillity  and  happiness  were  before  him."  But  it 
was  not  so  to  be.  On  his  way  home  he- felt  pre 
monitory  symptoms  of  cholera,  and  when  he 
reached  there  his  system  was  much  weakened. 
Though  at  first  able  to  work  a  little  in  superin 
tending  the  fitting  up  of  his  grounds,  he  was  soon 
compelled  to  take  to  his  bed.  He  never  rose 
from  it  again.  Though  finally  the  disease  was 
checked,  he  had  not  strength  left  to  bring  on  the 
necessary  reaction.  "  He  died  without  a  struggle, 
simply  ceasing  to  breathe,  as  when  deep  and  quiet 
sleep  falls  upon  a  wqary  man,"  on  the  I5th  of 
June,  1849,  a  little  more  than  three  months  after 
his  retirement  from  the  Presidency.  His  remains 
lie  in  the  spacious  lawn  of  his  former  home  in 
the  city  of  Nashville. 


ZACHARY  TAYLOR, 

TWELFTH  President  of  the  United  States, 
was  born  in  Orange  County,  Virginia,  No 
vember  24th,  1784.  His  father,  Colonel  Rich 
ard  Taylor,  was  a   noted    Revolutionary  officer. 
His  mother,  as  is  usually  the   case  with  the  moth 
ers  of  men  who  have   risen  to   distinction,  was  a 
woman  of  great  force  of  character.      Whilst  he 


ZACHARY  TAYLOR. 


495 


was  yet  an  infant,  his  parents  removed  to  the  then 
wilderness  near  the  present  city  of  Louisville. 
Here  in  the  depths  of  the  forest  swarming  with 
hostile  savages,  young  Taylor  found  few  educa 
tional  advantages,  though  the  training  he  received 
was  no  doubt  one  to  develop  those  military  qual 
ities  he  subsequently  displayed.  He  grew  up  a 
rugged,  brave,  self-reliant  youth,  with  more  of  a 
certain  frank,  almost  blunt,  off-handedness,  than 
exterior  polish. 

In  1808,  he  received  a  lieutenant's  commission 
in  thearmy,and  in  1810  married  Margaret  Smith. 
His  military  career  fairly  opened  in  1812,  when 
he  was  sent  to  the  defense  of  our  western  border. 
While  in  command  of  Fort  Harrison,  on  the 
Wabash,  with  a  garrison  of  but  fifty-two  men,  he 
was  suddenly  attacked  by  a  band  of  Indians,  who 
succeeded  in  setting  fire  to  the  fort.  But  the 
young  captain  with  his  handful  of  men  extinguished 
the  flames,  and  forced  the  enemy  to  retreat.  For 
this  gallant  exploit,  he  received  a  brevet  major's 
commission. 

Nothing  remarkable  occurred  in  his  life  for 
many  years  subsequent,  until,  in  1837,  we  fi°d 
him  a  colonel  in  Florida,  operating  against  the 
Seminoles.  On  Christmas  Day  of  that  year  he 
won  the  battle  of  Okechobee,  one  of  the  most 
fiercely  contested  actions  in  the  annals  of  Indian 
warfare.  The  Seminoles  never  rallied  again  in 
formidable  numbers.  For  his  signal  services  in 


4Q6  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

this  affair  Taylor  was  made  a  brigadier,  and  ap 
pointed  Commancler-in-chief.  This  post  he  retained 
till  1840,  when,  having  purchased  an  estate  near 
Baton  Rouge,  in  Louisiana,  he  was,  at  his  own 
request,  placed  in  the  command  of  the  Department 
of  the  Southwest. 

While  still  holding  this  command  in  the  spring 
of  1845,  Congress  having  passed  joint  resolutions 
for  the  annexation  of  Texas,  General  Taylor  was 
sent  with  four  thousand  troops  to  Corpus  Christi, 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  Neuces,  and  in  territory 
claimed  by  both  Mexico  and  Texas.  It  has  been 
said  that  it  was  the  secret  object  of  our  Govern 
ment  to  provoke  a  conflict  with  Mexico,  yet  so 
that  the  responsibility  of  it  should  appear  to  rest 
upon  General  Taylor.  If  such  was  the  object, 
the  scheme  signally  failed.  Taylor  made  no  move 
without  explicit  orders.  It  was  by  the  President's 
positive  command  that,  on  the  8th  of  March,  1846, 
the  wary  old  General  began  his  march  into  the 
disputed  district  lying  between  the  Neuces  and 
the  Rio  Grande.  Reaching  the  latter  stream  on 
the  28th,  he  built  Fort  Brown  immediately  oppo 
site  the  Mexican  town  of  Matamoras.  On  the 
*  1 2th  of  March  the  Mexican  commander  peremp 
torily  ordered  Taylor  to  retire  beyond  the  Neuces. 
A  refusal  to  do  this,  he  said,  would  be  regarded 
as  a  declaration  of  war.  General  Taylor  replied 
that  his  instructions  would  not  permit  him  to 
retire,  and  that  if  the  Mexicans  saw  fit  to  com- 


ZACHAR  Y  TA  YLOR. 

mence  hostilities  he  would  not  shrink  from  the 
conflict.  Six  thousand  Mexicans  at  once  crossed 
ihe  Rio  Grande.  With  less  than  three  thousand 
troops,  Taylor,  on  the  8th  of  April,  attacked  and 
defeated  them  at  Palo  Alto.  Rallying  in  a  strong 
position  at  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  the  Mexicans 
were  again  attacked,  and  after  a  stubborn  fight 
driven  back  across  the  river  with  great  loss.  These 
victories  were  hailed  with  the  wildest  enthusiasm 
throughout  the  country,  and  Taylor  was  promoted 
to  a  major-generalship. 

Moving  rapidly  forward  to  Monterey,  he  took 
that  strongly  fortified  city,  after  a  desperate  fight 
of  three  days.  Making  it  his  headquarters,  the 
victor  was  preparing  for  an  important  move,  when 
General  Scott,  who  was  about  to  lead  an  expedi 
tion  against  Vera  Cruz,  took  away  the  best  part 
of  his  troops,  leaving  him  with  only  five  thousand 
men,  mostly  raw  volunteers.  Hearing  of  this, 
Santa  Anna,  undoubtedly  the  ablest  of  the  Mexican 
generals,  with  twenty  thousand  picked  men, 
pushed  rapidly  down  the  Rio  Grande  with  the 
design  of  overpowering  Taylor's  little  army.  The 
latter,  on  the  2ist  of  February,  1847,  took  position 
at  Buena  Vista  and  awaited  the  approach  of  his 
antagonist,  who  made  his  appearance  the  following 
day,  and  at  once  began  a  fierce  attack.  Never 
was  battle  fought  with  more  desperate  courage 
or  greater  skill.  Three  times  during  the  day 

victory  seemed  with  the  Mexicans  ;  but  finally  t.ne 
32 


4Q  8  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

stubborn  valor  of  Taylor's  little  band  won 
field. 

The  tidings  of  this  brilliant  victory  excited  the 
greatest  enthusiasm  and  gained  an  imperishable 
renown  for  the  triumphant  General.  On  his  re 
turn  home  in  November,  "  Old  Rough  and  Ready," 
as  his  soldiers  familiarly  called  him,  was  greeted 
everywhere  by  the  warmest  demonstrations  of 
popular  applause.  Even  before  this  he  had  been 
nominated  at  public  meetings  for  the  Presidency; 
and  now  the  Whigs,  casting  about  for  a  popular 
candidate,  made  him  their  party  nominee.  Not 
withstanding  the  defection  from  their  ranks  of 
Henry  Wilson  and  others,  who  were  opposed  to 
Taylor  as  being  a  slave-holder,  he  was  elected  by 
a  respectable  majority,  receiving  one  hundred  and 
sixty-three  electoral  votes.  His  inauguration 
took  place  on  Monday,  March  5th,  1849. 

Though  he  selected  an  excellent  Cabinet,  the 
old  soldier  found  himself  in  a  trying  position.  A 
vehement  struggle  had  commenced  in  Congress 
about  the  organization  of  the  new  Territories,  the 
admission  of  California,  and  the  settlement  of  the 
boundary  between  Texas  and  New  Mexico,  all 
these  questions  being  connected  with  the  great 
and  absorbing  one  of  the  extension  or  non-ex 
tension  of  slavery.  Taylor,  in  his  message  to 
Congress,  recommended  the  admission  of  Cali 
fornia  as  a  free  State,  and  that  the  remaining 
Territories  should  be  allowed  to  form  State  Con- 


MILLARD  FILLMORE. 


499 


stitutions  to  suit  themselves.  Nothing  could  have 
been  more  distasteful  to  the  extremists  of  the 
South,  many  of  whom  made  open  threats  of  seces 
sion  in  case  of  the  adoption  of  the  President's 
suggestions.  To  adjust  the  difficulty,  Mr.  Clay, 
in  the  Senate,  introduced  his  "  compromise  mea 
sures,"  which  were  still  under  debate,  when,  on 
the  4th  of  July,  1850,  General  Taylor  was  seized 
with  bilious  fever,  of  which  he  died  on  the  Qth  at 
the  Presidential  Mansion.  His  last  words  were: 
"  I  have  tried  to  do  my  duty." 


MILLARD   FILLMORE. 

ON  the  death  of  General  Taylor,  his  suc 
cessor,  according  to  the  Constitution,  was 
the  Vice-President.  The  gentleman  then 
filling  that  position  was  Millard  Fillmore,  an  emi 
nent  lawyer  of  New  York.  He  was  compara 
tively  a  young  man,  having  been  born  on  the  7th 
of  January,  1800,  at  Summer  Hill,  Cayuga  County, 
New  York.  His  father  being  poor,  his  means  of 
education  had  been  limited.  Apprenticed  at  the 
age  of  fourteen  to  a  clothier,  he  found  time  during 
his  evenings  to  gratify  an  insatiable  thirst  for 
knowledge  by  reading.  His  studious  habits,  fine 
personal  appearance,  and  gentlemanly  bearing 
tavinor  attracted  the  attention  of  a  lawyer  in  tb~ 
neighborhood,  that  gentleman  offered  to  receive 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

him  in  his  office  and  to  assist  him  pecuniarily 
until  he  should  be  admitted  to  the  bar.  This  offer 
young  Fillmore,  then  in  his  nineteenth  year,  thank 
fully  accepted.  With  this  help,  and  by  teaching 
during  the  winters,  he  was  enabled  to  prosecute 
his  studies  to  a  successful  issue,  and  in  1823  was 
admitted  to  the  bar,  opening  an  office  in  the  vil 
lage  of  Aurora,  New  York.  In  1826,  he  married 
Miss  Abigail  Powers,  a  lady  of  eminent  worth. 

Mr.  Fillmore  steadily  rose  in  his  profession. 
In  1829,  he  was  elected  by  the  Whigs  to  the  State 
Legislature,  and  soon  afterward  removed  to  Buf 
falo.  In  1832,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  Con 
gress,  and  again  in  1837,  but  declined  running  a 
third  time.  He  now  had  a  wide  reputation,  and 
in  the  year  1847  was  elected  State  Comptroller 
and  removed  to  Albany.  The  following  year,  he 
was  placed  in  nomination  as  Vice  President  on  the 
ticket  with  General  Taylor.  When,  on  the  5th  of 
March,  1849,  Taylor  took  the  Presidential  chair, 
Mr.  Fillmore,  by  .  virtue  of  his  office,  became 
President  of  the  United  States  Senate.  Here,  the 
first  presiding  officer  to  take  so  firm  a  step,  he 
announced  his  determination,  in  spite  of  all  prece 
dents  to  the  contrary,  to  promptly  call  Senators  to 
order  for  any  offensive  words  they  might  utter  in 
debate. 

When,  after  the  unexpected  death  of  General 
Taylor,  on  July  9th,  1850,  the  office  of  chief  ex 
ecutive  devolved  upon  Mr.  Fillmore,  he  found 


DAVID   B.    HILL, 

New  York's  Candidate  for  Nomination  in  1892. 


MILLARD   FILLMORE.  -Q1 

his  position  no  easy  or  pleasant  one.  His  political 
opponents  had  a  majority  in  both  houses  of  Con 
gress.  The  controversy  on  the  slavery  question 
had  embittered  public  feeling,  and  it  required  a 
skillful  pilot  to  guide  the  ship  of  state  safely  through 
the  perils  by  which  she  was  surrounded.  The  com 
promise  measures  of  Mr.  Clay,  to  which  we  have 
already  referred  in  our  sketch  of  General  Taylor, 
were  finally  passed,  and  received  the  approving 
signature  of  Mr.  Fillmore.  One  of  these  meas 
ures  was  the  admission  of  California  as  a  free 
State ;  another  was  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia.  These  were  thought  to  be 
concessions  to  the  cause  of  freedom ;  while,  on 
the  other  hand,  to  satisfy  the  pro-slavery  agitators, 
a  bill  was  passed  to  give  the  owners  of  slaves 
power  to  recapture  fugitive  slaves  in  any  part  of 
the  free  States  and  carry  them  back  without  a  jury 
trial.  But,  though  enacted  in  the  hope  of  allay 
ing  sectional  animosity,  these  measures  brought 
about  only  a  temporary  calm,  while  they  aggra 
vated  the  violence  of  extremists  both  North  and 
South. 

The  compromise  measures  and  the  fitting  out 
of  the  famous  Japan  expedition  were  the  principal 
features  of  Mr.  Fillmore's  otherwise  uneventful 
Administration.  On  the  4th  of  March,  1853,  he 
retired  from  office,  and  immediately  afterward 
took  a  long  tour  through  the  Southern  States, 
where  he  met  with  a  cordial  reception. 


5O2  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

In  1855,  Mr.  Fillmore  visited  Europe.  He  wa. 
everywhere  received  with  those  marks  of  atten 
tion  which,  according  to  European  ideas,  are  due 
to  those  who  have  occupied  the  most  distinguished 
positions.  On  his  return  home,  in  1856,  he  was 
nominated  for  the  Presidency  by  the  so-called 
" Know-nothing,"  or  "American"  party;  but  being 
very  decidedly  defeated,  he  retired  to  private  life. 
He  died  at  Buffalo,  New  York,  on  the  8th  of 
March,  1874. 


FRANKLIN   PIERCE, 

FOURTEENTH  President  of  the  United 
States,  was  born  at  Hillsborough,  N.  HM 
November  23d,  1804.  His  father,  General 
Benjamin  Pierce,  was  a  soldier  of  the  Revolution, 
and  was  a  man  of  considerable  local  repute,  hav 
ing  also  served  as  Governor  of  New  Hampshire. 
Graduating  from  Bowdoin  College  in  1824,  Mr. 
Pierce  studied  law  with  the  celebrated  Levi 
Woodbury,  and  commenced  practice  in  his  native 
town  in  1837.  He  married  in  1834.  He  early 
entered  the  political  field  and,  in  1833,  after  hav 
ing  previously  served  several  terms  in  the  State 
Legislature,  was  elected  to  Congress.  Here  he 
showed  himself  an  earnest  State-rights  Democrat, 
and  was  regarded  as  a  fair  working  member.  In 
1837,  when  but  thirty-three  years  of  age,  he  was 


FRANKLIN  PIERCE. 

elected  to  the  National  Senate  and,  during  me 
following  year,  removed  to  Concord,  where  he  at 
once  took  rank  among  the  leading  lawyers  of  the 
State. 

Though  Mr.  Pierce  had  declined  the  office  oi 
Attorney-General  of  the  United  States,  offered 
to  him  by  President  Polk,  he,  nevertheless,  when 
hostilities  were  declared  against  Mexico,  accepted 
a  brigadier-generalship  in  the  army,  successfully 
marching  with  twenty-four  hundred  men  from  the 
sea-coast  to  Puebla,  where  he  reinforced  General 
Scott.  The  latter,  on  the  arrival  of  Pierce,  imme 
diately  prepared  to  make  his  long-contemplated 
attack  upon  the  City  of  Mexico.  At  the  battle  of 
Contreras,  on  the  igch  of  August,  1847,  where  he 
led  an  assaulting  column  four  thousand  strong, 

£>  O' 

General  Pierce  showed  himself  to  be  a  brave  and 
energetic  soldier.  Early  in  the  fight  his  leg  was 
broken  by  his  horse  falling  upon  him,  yet  he  kept 
his  saddle  during  the  entire  conflict,  which  did  not 
cease  till  eleven  o'clock  at  night.  The  next  day 
also,  he  took  part  in  the  still  more  desperate  fight 
at  Churubtisco,  where,  overcome  by  pain  and 
exhaustion,  he  fainted  on  the  field.  At  Molino 
Dei  Rey,  where  the  hottest  battle  of  the  war  was 
fought,  he  narrowly  escaped  death  from  a  shell 
which  bursted  beneath  his  horse. 

The  American  army  triumphantly  entered  the 
City  of  Mexico  on  the  i.3th  of  September,  1847. 
General  Pierce  remained  there  until  the  following 


504  OL'R 

December,  when  he  returned  home  and  resumed 
the  practice  of  his  profession.  In  the  Democratic 
Convention  which  met  at  Baltimore,  June  ist, 
1852,  Cass,  Buchanan,  and  Douglas  were  the 
prominent  candidates.  After  thirty-five  indecisive 
ballots  Franklin  Pierce  was  proposed,  and  on  the 
forty-ninth  ballot  he  was  nominated  for  the  Presi 
dency.  He  was  elected  by  an  overwhelming 
majority,  and  was  inaugurated  Chief  Magistrate 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1853,  receiving  two  hundred 
and  fifty-four  electoral  votes,  while  his  opponent, 
General  Winfield  Scott,  received  but  forty-two. 

Though  both  the  great  parties  of  the  country 
had  adopted  platforms  favoring  the  recent  com 
promise  measures  of  Clay,  and  deprecating  any 
renewal  of  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question, 
General  Pierce's  Administration,  by  reason  of  the 
bringing  up  of  that  very  question,  was  one  of  the 
most  stormy  in  our  history.  Douglas's  bill  for  the 
organization  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  by  which 
the  Missouri  Compromise  Act  of  1820  was  repealed 
allowing  slavery  to  enter  where  it  had  been  for 
ever  excluded,  and  which,  having  the  support  of 
the  President,  became  a  law  on  the  last  day  of 
May,  1853,  excited  the  most  intense  indignation 
in  the  free  States,  and  greatly  increased  the 
strength  of  the  anti-slavery  power.  In  Kansas  a 
bitter  contest,  almost  attaining  the  proportions 
of  civil  war,  began  between  the  partisans  of 
the  South  and  the  North.  This  contest  was 


FRANKLIN  PIERCE.  505 

still  raging  when  Mr.  Pierce's  term  drew  to  its 
close.  Other  events  of  his  Administration  were  the 
bombardment  of  Greytown,  in  Central  America, 
under  orders  from  our  Government ;  efforts 
under  Government  direction  for  the  acquisition 
of  Cuba ;  and  the  use  of  the  President's  official 
influence  and  patronage  against  the  Anti-Slavery 
settlers  of  Kansas. 

His  friends  sought  to  obtain  his  nomination  for 
a  second  term,  but  did  not  succeed.  On  the  4th  of 
March,  1857,  therefore,  he  retired  to  his  home  at 
Concord.  That  home,  already  bereaved  by  the 
loss  of  three  promising  boys — his  only  children, 
- — was  now  to  have  a  still  greater  loss, — that  of 
the  wife  and  afflicted  mother,  who,  grief-stricken 
at  the  sudden  death,  by  a  railroad  accident,  of  her 
last  boy,  sunk  under  consumption,  leaving  Mr. 
Pierce  alone  in  the  world — wifeless  as  well  as 
childless. 

The  sorrowing  ex-President  soon  after  took  a 

o 

trip  to  Madeira,  and  made  a  protracted  tour  in 
Europe,  returning  home  in  1860.  During  the 
Civil  War  he  delivered  in  Concord  a  speech,  still 
known  as  the  "  Mausoleum  of  Hearts  Speech," 
in  which  he  is  regarded  as  having  expressed  a 
decided  sympathy  for  the  Confederates.  He  died 
at  Concord  on  the  8th  of  October,  1869,  having 
lost  much  of  his  hold  on  the  respect  of  his  fellow- 
citizens,  both  North  and  South,  by  his  lack  of 
decision  for  either. 


506 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENT 


JAMES   BUCHANAN, 


FIFTEENTH  President  of  the  United  States, 
was  born  in  Franklin  County,  Pa.,  April 
22d,  1791.  His  father,  a  native  of  the 
North  of  Ireland,  who  had  come  eight  years  before 
to  America,  with  no  capital  but  his  strong  arms 
and  energetic  spirit,  was  yet  able  to  give  the 
bright  and  studious  boy  a  good  collegiate  educa 
tion  at  Dickinson  College,  Carlisle,  Pa.,  where  he 
graduated  in  1809.  He  then  began  the  study- of 
law  at  Lancaster,  and,  after  a  three  years'  course, 
was  admitted  to  practice  in  1812.  He  rose  rap 
idly  in  his  profession,  the  business  of  which  in 
creased  with  his  reputation,  so  that,  at  the  age  of 
forty,  he  was  enabled  to  retire  with  an  ample 
fortune. 

Mr.  Buchanan  early  entered  into  politics. 
When  but  twenty-three  years  old,  he  was  elected 
to  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania.  Though  an 
avowed  Federalist,  he  not  only  spoke  in  favor  of 
a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  War  of  1812,  but 
likewise  marched  as  a  private  soldier  to  the  de 
fense  of  Baltimore.  In  1820,  he  was  elected  to 
the  lower  House  of  Congress,  where  he  speedily 
attained  eminence  as  a  finished  and  energetic 
speaker.  His  political  views  are  shown  in  the 
following  extract  from  one  of  his  speeches  in 
Congress:  "If  I  know  myself,  I  am  a  politician 


JAMES  BUCHANAN.  507 

neither  of  the  West  nor  the  East,  of  the  North  nor 
of  the  South.  I  therefore  shall  forever  avoid  any 
expressions  the  direct  tendency  of  which  must  be 
to  create  sectional  jealousies,  and  at  length  dis 
union — that  worst  of  all  political  calamities.'' 
That  he  sincerely  endeavored  in  his  future  career 
to  act  in  accordance  with  the  principles  here 
enunciated  no  candid  mind  can  doubt,  however 
much  he  may  be  regarded  to  have  failed  in  doing 
so,  especially  during  the  eventful  last  months  of 
his  Administration. 

In  1831,  at  the  close  of  his  fifth  term,  Mr;  Bu 
chanan,  having  declined  a  re-election  to  Congress, 
was  sent  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  St.  Peters 
burg,  where  he  concluded  the  first  commercial 
treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Russia. 
On  his  return  home  in  1833,  he  was  elected  to 
the  National  Senate.  Here  he  became  one  of 
the  leading  spirits  among  the  supporters  of  Presi 
dent  Jackson,  and  also  supported  the  Administra 
tion  of  Martin  Van  Buren.  He  was  re-elected 
to  the  Senate,  and  his  last  act  as  a  Senator  was 
to  report  favorably  on  the  admission  of  Texas, 
he  being  the  only  member  of  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Relations  to  do  so. 

On  the  election  of  Polk  to  the  Presidency,  in 
1845,  Mr-  Buchanan  was  selected  to  fill  the  im 
portant  position  of  Secretary  of  State.  He 
strongly  opposed  the  "  Wilmot  Proviso,"  and  all 
other  provisions  for  the  restriction  of  slavery. 


505  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

At  the  close  of  Folk's  term,  he  withdrew  to  private 
life,  but  was  subsequently  sent  by  President 
Pierce  as  our  Minister  to  England.  It  was  while 

c> 

acting  in  this  capacity  that  he  united  with  Mason 
and  Soule  in  the  once  celebrated  "Ostencl  Mani 
festo,"  in  which  strong  ground  was  taken  in  favor 
of  the  annexation  of  Cuba  to  the  United  States, 
by  purchase,  if  possible,  but  if  necessary,  by  force. 

Returning  home  in  1856,  he  was  nominated  as 
the  Democratic  candidate  for  the  Presidency, 
and,  after  a  stormy  campaign,  elected,  receiving 
one  hundred  and  seventy-four  out  of  three  hun 
dred  and  three  electoral  votes.  His  opponents 
were  John  C.  Fremont,  Republican,  and  Millard 
Fillmore,  American.  He  was  inaugurated  on  the 
4th  of  March,  1857.  With  the  exception  of  a  slight 
difficulty  with  the  Mormons  in  Utah,  and  of  the 
admission  into  the  Union  of  Minnesota  in  1858,. 
and  of  Oregon  in  1859,  the  chief  interest  of  Mr. 
Buchanan's  Administration  centered  around  the 
slavery  controversy. 

At  the  time  of  his  inauguration,  it  is  true,  the 
country  looked  confidently  forward  to  a  period  of 
political  quiet.  But,  unhappily,  the  Kansas  diffi 
culty  had  not  been  settled.  The  Free-State  party 
in  that  territory  refused  obedience  to  the  laws 
passed  by  the  local  Legislature,  on  the  grounds 
that  that  Legislature  had  been  elected  by  fraudu 
lent  means.  They  even  chose  a  rival  Legislature, 
which,  however,  the  President  refusecl  to  recog- 


•JAMES  BUCHANAN'. 

nize.  Meanwhile  the  so-called  regular  Legislature, 
which  Congress  had  sanctioned,  passed  a  bill  for 
the  election  of  delegates  by  the  people  to  frame  a 
State  Constitution  for  Kansas.  An  election  was 
accordingly  held;  the  Convention  met,  and  after  a 
stormy  and  protracted  session,  completed  its  work. 
The  Lecompton  Constitution^  it  was  called,  when 
laid  before  Congress,  met  with  strong  opposition 
from  the  Republicans,  on  the  ground  that  it  had 
been  fraudulently  concocted.  The  President,  how 
ever,  gave  it  ail  his  influence,  believing  that  it 
would  bring  peace  to  the  country,  while  not  pre 
venting  Kansas  from  being  a  free  State,  should  its 
people  so  desire;  and  finally,  after  a  struggle  of 
extraordinary  violence  and  duration,  it  received 
the  sanction  of  Congress. 

But  quiet  was  not  restored.  In  the  North,  the 
feeling  against  the  President  and  his  party  be 
came  intense.  The  election  in  1860  resulted  in 
the  triumph  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  Republican 
candidate  for  the  Presidency.  The  period  between 
Lincoln's  election  and  his  inauguration  was  one 
of  peculiar  trial  to  President  Buchanan.  An  at 
tempt  to  incite  a  slave  insurrection,  made  at  Har 
per's  Ferry,  in  1859,  by  John  Brown,  of  Kansas,  for 
which  he  was  hanged  by  the  authorities  of  Virginia, 
had  created  a  profound  sensation  in  the  South, 
where  it  was  regarded  by  manv  as  indicative  of 

o  J 

the  fixed  purpose  of  the  North  to  destroy  slavery 
at  all  hazards.     The  election  of  Lincoln  following 


OUR  FORMER   PRESIDENTS. 

so  soon  after  this  event,  added  strength  to  their 
apprehensions.  As  soon  as  the  result  of  the 
canvass  became  known,  South  Carolina  seceded 
from  the  Union.  Mr.  Buchanan,  apparently  re 
garding  the  fears  and  complaints  of  the  South 
as  not  without  some  just  grounds,  seems  to  have 
endeavored  to  bring  about  a  peaceful  solution  of 
the  difficulties  before  him  by  attempts  at  concilia 
tion.  But  however  good  his  intentions  may  have 
been,  his  policy,  which  has  been  characterized  as 
weak,  vacillating,  and  cowardly,  so  signally  failed, 
that  when,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1861,  he  retired 
from  the  Presidency,  he  handed  over  to  his  suc 
cessor  an  almost  hopelessly  divided  Union,  from 
which  seven  States  had  already  seceded. 

Mr.  Buchanan  also  used  his  influence  for  the 
purchase  of  Cuba  as  a  means  of  extending  slave 
territory.  He  permitted  the  seizure  of  Southern 
forts  and  arsenals,  and  the  removal  of  muskets 
from  Northern  to  Southern  armories  as  the  seces 
sion  movements  matured,  and  in  his  message  of 
December,  1860,  he  directly  cast  upon  the  North 
the  blame  of  the  disrupted  Union. 

Remaining  in  Washington  long  enough  to  wit 
ness  the  installation  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  Mr.  Buch 
anan  withdrew  to  the  privacy  of  Wheatland,  his 
country  home,  near  Lancaster,  in  Pennsylvania. 
Here  he  spent  the  remainder  of  his  days,  taking 
no  prominent  part  in  public  affairs.  In  1866,  he 
published  a  volume  entitled,  Mr.  Buchanan* 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


l  l 


Administration,  in  which  he  explained  and  de 
fended  the  policy  he  had  pursued  while  in  the 
Presidential  office.  He  never  married.  His  death 
occurred  at  his  mansion  at  VVheatland,  on  the  ist 
of  June,  1868 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN, 

SIXTEENTH  President  of  the  Union,  was 
born  in  Hardin  County,  Kentucky,  on  the 
1 2th  of  February,  1809.  His  parents  were 
extremely  poor,  and  could  give  him  but  scant 
opportunities  of  education.  It  is  supposed  that 
his  ancestors  came  to  this  country  from  England 
among  the  original  followers  of  William  Penn. 
About  the  middle  of  the  last  century  they  lived  in 
Berks  County,  Pennsylvania,  whence  one  branch 
of  the  family  moved  to  Virginia.  The  subject  of 
this  sketch  was  taught  to  read  and  write  by  his 
mother,  a  woman  of  intelligence  far  above  her 
humble  station.  When  he  was  in  his  eighth  year, 
the  family  removed  to  the  then  wilderness  of 
Spencer  County,  Indiana,  where,  in  the  course  of 
three  or  four  years,  the  boy  Abraham,  who  was 
quick  and  eager  to  learn,  had  a  chance  to  acquire 
the  rudiments  of  the  more  ordinary  branches  of 
such  a  common-school  education  as  was  to  be 
obtained  in  that  rude  frontier  district;  but  his 
mother  died  when  he  was  about  eleven  years  old, 


512 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


which  was  to  him  a  sad  loss.  At  the  age  of  nine 
teen,  he  set  out  in  a  flat-boat,  containing  a  cargo 
of  considerable  value,  on  a  voyage  to  New  Or 
leans.  While  passing  down  the  Mississippi,  they 
were  attacked  by  a  thieving  band  of  negroes,  but 
they  courageously  beat  off  the  robbers,  and  suc 
ceeded  in  reaching  their  destination  safely. 

In  1830,  Lincoln's  father  removed  to  Decatur 
County,  Illinois.  Here  Abraham  assisted  in  estab 
lishing  the  new  home.  It  was  on  this  occasion 
that  he  split  the  famous  rails  from  which,  years 
after,  he  received  his  name  of  "the  rail-splitter/' 
During  the  severe  winter  which  followed,  by  his 
exertions  and  skill  as  a  hunter,  he  contributed 
greatly  in  keeping  the  family  from  starvation. 
The  next  two  years  he  passed  through  as  a  farm 
hand  and  as  a  clerk  in  a  country  store.  In  the 
Black-Hawk  War,  which  broke  out  in  1832,  he 
served  creditably  as  a  volunteer,  and  on  his  re 
turn  home  ran  for  the  Legislature,  but  was  de 
feated.  He  next  tried  store-keeping,  but  failed ; 
and  then,  having  learned  something  of  surveying, 
worked  two  or  three  years  quite  successfully  as  a 
surveyor  for  the  Government.  In  1834,  he  was 
elected  to  the  Legislature,  in  which  he  did  the  ex 
tremely  unpopular  act  of  recording  his  name 
against  some  pro-slavery  legislation  of  that  body. 
He  soon  after  took  up  the  study  of  law,  being  ad- 
cnitted  to  the  bar  in  1837,  when  he  removed  to 
Springfield,  and  began  to  practice.  John  T.  Stuart 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN". 


5*3 


was  his  business  partner.  In  1842,  he  married 
Miss  Mary  Todd,  daughter  of  Robert  S.  Todd, 
hsq.,  of  Lexington,  Kentucky.  He  rose  rapidly 
in  his  profession,  to  which  having  served  a  second 
term  in  the  Legislature,  he  devoted  himself  assidu 
ously  till  1844,  during  which  year  he  canvassed 
the  State  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Clay,  the  Whig  candi 
date  for  the  Presidency.  In  1847,  he  took  his  seat 
in  the  lower  house  of  Congress,  where  he  was  the 
only  Whig  from  the  whole  State  of  Illinois.  Ser 
ving  but  a  single  term  in  Congress,  Mr.  Lincoln. 

£>  e>  O 

in  1848,  canvassed  the  State  for  General  Taylor, 
and  the  following  year  was  an  unsuccessful  can 
didate  for  a  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate. 
He  now  renewed  his  devotion  to  his  legal  pur 
suits,  yet  still  retained  a  deep  interest  in  national 
politics. 

The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  which 
created  a  profound  sensation  throughout  -the 
entire  North,  brought  about  a  complete  political 
revolution  in  Illinois,  and  the  State  went  over  to 
the  Whigs.  In  this  revolution  Mr.  Lincoln  took 
a  most  active  part,  and  gained  a  wide  reputation 
as  an  effective  stump  speaker.  In  1856,  he  was 
brought  prominently  before  the  first  Republican 
National  Convention,  and  came  very  near  being 
nominated  as  its  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency. 
In  1858,  as  Republican  candidate  for  United 
States  Senator,  he  canvassed  Illinois  in  opposition 
to  Judge  Douglas,  the  Democratic  nominee, 

33 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

Douglas  was,  perhaps,  one  of  the  most  effective 
public  speakers  of  the  time,  yet  it  is  generally 
conceded  that  Lincoln,  though  he  failed  to  obtain 
the  Senatorship,  was  fully  equal  to  his  distin 
guished  and  no  doubt  more  polished  opponent. 
The  rare  versatility  and  comprehensiveness  of 
Mr.  Lincoln's  mind  found  full  illustration  in  this 


exciting  contest. 

o 


During  the  next  eighteen  months,  Mr.  Lincoln 
visited  various  parts  of  the  country,  delivering 
speeches  of  marked  ability  and  power ;  and  when, 
in  May,  1860,  the  Republican  National  Conven 
tion  met  at  Chicago,  he  was,  on  the  third  ballot, 
chosen  as  its  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  In 
consequence  of  a  division  in  the  Democratic  party, 
he  was  elected,  receiving  one  hundred  and  eighty 
out  of  three  hundred  and  three  electoral  votes. 
In  the  popular  vote  the  result  was  as  follows  • 
Lin-coin,  1,887,610;  Douglas.  1,291,574;  Brecken- 
ridge,  Pro-slavery  Democrat,  88^,082  ;  Bell,  Con 
stitutional-Union  party,  646,124:  thus  leaving 
Lincoln  in  the  minority  of  the  popular  vote  by 
nearly  a  million. 

The  election  of  Lincoln  was  at  once  made  a 
pretext  for  dissolving  the  Union.  Though  he  had 
repeatedly  declared  his  intention  not  to  interfere 
with  the  existing  institutions  of  the  South,  and  to 
hold  inviolate  his  official  oath  to  maintain  the 
Constitution,  all  was  of  no  avail  to  dissuade  that 
section  from  its  predetermined  purpose.  A 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  c  T  r 

month  before  he  was  inaugurated  six  Southern 
States,  having  solemnly  withdrawn  from  the 
Union,  met  in  convention  and  framed  the  Consti 
tution  of  a  new  and  independent  Confederacy. 

The  President-elect  left  his  home  in  Springfield 
on  the  nth  of  February,  1861,  and  proceeded  by 
a  somewhat  circuitous  route  to  Washington,  de 
livering  short,  pithy  addresses  in  the  larger 
towns  and  cities  through  which  he  passed.  He 
also  visited  the  Legislatures  of  several  North- 

o 

ern  States,  everywhere  reiterating  his  purpose, 
while  not  disturbing  the  domestic  relations  of 
the  South,  to  maintain  the  Union  intact  at  all 
hazards.  Though  informed  at  Philadelphia 
that  a  plot  had  been  formed  for  his  assassination 
in  Baltimore,  he  reached  Washington  on  Feb 
ruary  23d  without  molestation,  and  on  the  4th 
of  March  was  duly  inaugurated  in  the  presence 
of  an  immense  assemblage  from  all  parts  of  the 
country. 

In  his  inaugural  address  the  new  President,  as 
suring  the  people  of  the  South  that  he  had  taken 
the  oath  to  support  the  Constitution  unreservedly, 
and  that  there  were  no  grounds  for  any  fear  that 
"their  property,"  peace,  or  persons  were  to  be 
endangered,  declared  it  to  be  his  firm  intention 
to  execute  the  laws,  collect  duties  and  imposts, 
and  to  hold  the  public  properties  in  all  the 
States — with  no  bloodshed,  however,  unless  it 
should  be  forced  upon  the  national  authority. 


5  i  6  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

On  entering  upon  the  duties  of  his  office,  Mi 
Lincoln  found  the  condition  of  affairs  far  from 
encouraging.  Seven  States  had  already  with 
drawn  from  the  Union,  and  others  were  preparing 
to  follow  their  example.  The  credit  of  the  Gov 
ernment  was  low ;  the  army  and  navy  not  only 
small  and  inefficient,  but  scattered  all  through  our 
wide  domain  ;  and  the  greater  part  of  the  public 
arms,  through  the  treachery  of  certain  officials, 
were  in  the  possession  of  the  seceded  States. 
Still,  he  was  hopeful  and  buoyant,  and  believed 
that  the  pending  difficulties  would  soon  be  ad 
justed.  Even  when,  on  the  I4th  of  April,  1861, 
the  bombardment  and  capture  of  Fort  Sumter  by 
a  Confederate  Army  roused  the  North  to  intense 
action,  though  he  immediately  issued  a  call  for 
75,300  volunteers,  it  was  seemingly  with  but  a 
faint  idea  that  they  would  be  needed.  The  fact 
that  they  were  summoned  for  only  three  months — 
a  period  far  from  long  enough  for  the  organization 
of  so  large  a  body  of  men — is  of  itself  sufficient 
evidence  of  the  delusion  under  which  he  was 
laboring. 

The  battle  of  Bull  Run,  on  the  2ist  of  July, 
1861,  which  resulted  in  the  total  route  of  the 
Government  forces,  in  a  great  measure  dispelled 
this  delusion.  The  real  magnitude  of  the  contest 
now  began  to  show  itself  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  Yet 
his  courage  never  faltered,  nor  was  he  less  hope 
ful  of  the  final  triumph  of  the  Union.  Cheerfully 


WILLIAM    E.    RUSSELL, 
Governor  of  Massachusetts. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  c  l  * 

accepting  the  burden  of  cares  and  responsibilities 
so  suddenly  thrown  upon  him,  he  put  his  whole 
heart  in  the  work  before  him,  and  not  even  the 
disasters  of  1862,  that  gloomiest  year  of  the  war, 
could  for  a  moment  shake  his  confiding  spirit. 
People  were  not  wanting  who  found  fault  with  the 
buoyant  temper  he  displayed  at  that  period ;  but 
his  apparent  cheeriness  was  of  as  much  avail  as 
our  armies  in  bringing  about  the  triumph  which 
at  last  came. 

Of  the  struggle  which  resulted  in  this  triumph 
we  shall  give  no  details,  only  referring  briefly  to 
some  of  the  more  important  actions  of  the  Presi 
dent.  The  most  momentous  of  these,  without 
doubt,  was  the  Emancipation  Proclamation,  issued 
on  the  22d  of  September,  1862,  and  to  take  effect 
on  the  ist  of  January,  1863,  by  which  slavery  was 
at  once  and  forever  done  away  with  in  the  United 
States.  In  his  message  to  Congress,  the  Presi 
dent  thus  explains  this  act:  "In  giving  freedom 
to  the  slave  we  assure  freedom  to  the  free,  hon 
orable  alike  in  what  we  give  and  what  we  pre 
serve.  We  shall  nobly  save,  or  meanly  lose,  the 
last,  best  hope  of  earth.  *  *  *  The  way  is 
plain,  peaceful,  glorious,  just — a  way  which,  if 
followed,  the  world  will  forever  applaud  and  God 
must  forever  bless." 

In  1864,  by  a  respectable  majority  in  the  popu 
lar  vote  and  a  large  one  in  the  electoral  college, 
Mr  Lincoln  was  re-elected  to  the  Presidency, 


518  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

At  the  period  of  his  second  inauguration,  the 
complete  triumph  of  the  Federal  authority  over 
the  seceded  States  was  assured.  The  last  battles 
of  the  war  had  been  fought.  War  had  substan 
tially  ceased.  The  President  was  looking  forward 
to  the  more  congenial  work  of  pacification.  How 
he  designed  to  carry  out  this  work  we  may  judge 
from  the  following  passage  in  his  second  inaugu 
ral  :  "  With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity 
for  all,  with  firmness  in  the  right,  as  God  gives  us 
to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive  on  to  finish  the  work 
we  are  in,  to  bind  up  the  nation's  wounds,  to  care 
for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle,  and  for 
his  widow  and  his  orphans,  to  do  all  that  may 
achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and  a  lasting  peace 
among  ourselves  and  with  all  nations." 

Unfortunately,  the  kind-hearted  Lincoln  was 
not  to  carry  out  the  work  of  pacification  to  which 
he  looked  forward  with  such  bright  anticipations. 
But  a  little  more  than  a  month  after  his  second 
inauguration — on  the  night  of  the  I4th  of  April, 
1865 — John  Wilkes  Booth,  one  of  a  small  band 
of  desperate  conspirators,  as  insanely  foolish  as 
they  were  wicked,  fired  a  pistol-ball  into  the  brain 
of  the  President  as  he  satin  his  box  at  the  theatre. 
The  wound  proved  fatal  in  a  few  hours,  Mr.  Lin* 
coin  never  recovering  his  consciousness. 

The  excitement  which  the  assassination  of  the 
President  occasioned  was  most  intense.  The 
whole  country  was  in  tears.  Nor  was  this  grief 


ANDRE  W  J  O HNS  ON.  5  I  9 

confined  to  our  own  people.  England,  France, 
all  Europe,  and  even  the  far-off  countries  of  China 
and  Japan,  joined  in  the  lamentation.  Never  was 
man  more  universally  mourned,  or  more  deserv 
ing  of  such  widespread  sorrow. 

The  funeral  honors  were  grand  and  imposing. 
His  body,  having  been  embalmed,  was  taken  to 
his  home  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  passing  through 
Baltimore,  Philadelphia,  New  York,  Albany,  Buf 
falo,  Cleveland,  Chicago,  and  other  large  towns 
and  cities.  The  entire  road  seemed  to  be  lined 
with  mourners,  while  in  the  chief  cities  the  funeral 
ceremonies  were  equally  solemn  and  magnificent. 


ANDREW  JOHNSON, 

THE  constitutional  successor  to  President 
Lincoln,  was  born  in  Raleigh,  N.  C.,  De 
cember  29th,  1808.  Prevented  by  the 
poverty  of  his  parents  from  receiving  any  school 
ing,  he  was  apprenticed,  at  the  age  of  ten,  to  a 
tailor.  On  the  expiration  of  his  apprenticeship, 
he  went  to  Greenville,  Tenn.,  where  he  married. 
By  his  wife  he  was  taught  to  write  and  to  cipher, 
having  already  learned  to  read.  Taking  consid 
erable  interest  in  local  politics,  he  formed  a  work- 
ingman's  party  in  the  town,  by  which  he  was 
elected  alderman,  and  afterward  Mayor.  In 
,  he  was  elected  to  a  seat  in  the  Legislature, 


520  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

Failing  of  re-election- in  1837,  he  was  again  sue* 
cessful  in  1839;  and  in  1841,  was  elected  to  the 
State  Senate.  His  ability  was  now  recognized 
and,  in  1843,  he  was  sent  to  Congress  as  a  Rep 
resentative  of  the  Democratic  party.  Having 
served  five  successive  terms  in  Congress,  he  was, 
in  1853,  elected  Governor  of  Tennessee,  and 
again  in  1855.  Two  years  later,  he  was  called 
upon  to  represent  Tennessee  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  where  he  speedily  rose  to  distinction  as  a 
man  of  great  native  energy.  The  free  homestead 
bill,  giving  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  the 
public  land  to  every  citizen  who  would  settle  upon 
it  and  cultivate  it  a  certain  number  of  years,  owes 
its  passage  to  his  persistent  advocacy.  On  the 
slavery  question  he  generally  went  with  the  Dem 
ocratic  party,  accepting  slavery  as  an  existing 
institution,  protected  by  the  Constitution. 

In  the  Presidential  canvass  of  1860,  Mr.  John 
son  was  a  supporter  of  Breckinridge,  but  took 
strong  grounds  against  secession  when  that  sub 
ject  came  up.  His  own  State  having  voted  itself 
out  of  the  Union,  it  was  at  the  peril  of  his  life 
mat  he  returned  home  in  1861.  Attacked  by  a 
mob  on  a  railroad  car,  he  boldly  faced  his  assail 
ants,  pistol  in  hand,  and  they  slunk  away.  On 
the  4th  of  March,  1862,  he  was  appointed  Military 
Governor  of  Tennessee.  He  entered  upon  the 
duties  of  his  office  with  a  courage  and  vigor  that 
«oon  entirely  reversed  the  condition  of  affairs  in 


A  NDRE  W  JOHNSON.  r  2  j 

the  State.  By  March,  1 864,  he  had  so  far  restored 
order  that  elections  were  held  for  State  and 
County  officers,  and  the  usual  machinery  of  civil 
government  was  once  more  set  in  motion. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1865,  Mr.  Johnson  was 
inaugurated  as  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States.  The  assassination  of  President  Lincoln, 
a  little  more  than  a  month  afterward,  placed  him 
in  the  vacant  chief  executive  chair.  Though  Mr. 
Johnson  made  no  distinct  pledges,  it  was  thought 
by  the  tone  of  his  inaugural  that  he  would  pursue 
a  severe  course  toward  the  seceded  States.  Yet 
the  broad  policy  of  restoration  he  finally  adopted, 
met  the  earnest  disapproval  of  the  great  party  by 
which  he  had  been  elected.  The  main  point  at 
issue  was,  "  whether  the  seceded  States  should 
be  at  once  admitted  to  representation  in  Congress, 
and  resume  all  the  rights  they  had  enjoyed  before 
the  Civil  War,  without  further  guarantees  than  the 
surrender  of  their  armies,  and  with  no  provision 
for  protecting  the  emancipated  blacks." 

Johnson,  opposed  to  making  any  restrictive 
conditions,  therefore  persistently  vetoed  the  vari 
ous  reconstructive  measures  adopted  by  Congress. 
Though  these  measures  were  finally  passed  over 
the  President's  vetoes  by  two-thirds  of  the  votes 
of  each  house,  yet  his  determined  opposition  to 
their  policy,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  unconsti 
tutional,  gave  Congress  great  offense.  This  feeling 
fmally  became  so  intense,  that  the  House  of  Repre- 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

sentatives  brought  articles  of  impeachment  against 
him.  The  trial — the  first  of  its  kind  known  in  our 
history — was  conducted  by  the  United  States 
Senate,  presided  over  by  the  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  The  impeachment  failed,  how 
ever,  yet  only  lacked  one  vote  of  the  two-thirds 
majority  requisite  to  the  President's  conviction. 

In  1866,  Mr.  Johnson  made  a  tour  to  Chicago, 
in  the  course  of  which  he  made  many  petty 
speeches,  which  brought  upon  him  both  censure 
and  ridicule,  but  he  was  regarded  as  politically 
harmless,  and  to  the  close  of  his  term,  March  4th, 
1869,  he  was  allowed  to  pursue  his  own  policy 
with  but  little  opposition.  Retiring  to  his  home 
at  Greenville,  he  began  anew  to  take  an  active 
part  in  the  politics  of  his  State.  It  required  sev 
eral  years,  however,  for  him  to  regain  anything 
like  his  earlier  popularity  ;  but  finally,  in  January. 
1875,  he  succeeded  in  securing  his  election  once 
more  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  but 
he  died  on  the  3oth  of  the  following  July. 


ULYSSES   S.  GRANT. 

HISTORY  has  recorded    few  instances   of 
the  rapid  and  unexpected  rise  of  individ 
uals  in  humble  circumstances  to  the  high 
est  positions,  more  remarkable  than  that  afforded 
by  the  life  of  Ulysses   S.  Grant,  the   eighteenth 


UL  YSSES  S.  GRANT.  r  ~» <, 

President  of  the  United  States.  He  was  the  son 
of  Jesse  R.  and  Hannah  Simpson  Grant,  both  na 
tives  of  Pennsylvania.  He  was  born  April  2;th, 
1822,  at  Point  Pleasant,  Clermont  County,  Ohio. 
His  early  education  was  merely  that  of  the  com 
mon  schools  of  his  day.  By  a  conjunction  of 
favoring  circumstances,  he  passed,  in  1839,  from 
the  bark- mill  of  his  father's  tannery  to  the  Mili 
tary  Academy  at  West  Point.  He  was  a  diligent 
but  not  distinguished  student.  Having  graduated 
in  1843,  the  twenty-first  in  a  class  of  thirty-nine,  he 
signalized  himself  by  his  bravery  in  the  Mexican 
War,  being  rewarded  therefor  by  a  captain's  com 
mission.  He  then  married  Miss  Julia  J.  Dent,  of 
Saint  Louis,  and,  after  spending  several  years  with 
his  regiment  in  California  and  Oregon,  left  the 
service  in  July,  1854,  tried  farming  and  the  real 
estate  business  with  moderate  success,  and  finally 
was  taken  by  his  father  as  a  partner  in  his  leather 
store  at  Galena. 

He  was  yet  thus  humbly  employed  when  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  issued  his  call  for  75,000  three 
months'  men.  Marching  to  Springfield  at  the 
head  of  a  company  of  volunteers,  his  military 
knowledge  made  him  exceedingly  useful  to  Gov 
ernor  Yates,  who  retained  him  as  mustering  officer, 
until  he  was  commissioned  colonel  of  the  Twenty- 
first  Regiment  of  Illinois  Volunteers,  on  the  1 7th  of 
June,  1 86 1.  The  following  August,  having  been 
made  a  brigadier-general,  he  took  command  at  Cai- 


5 04  OUR  DORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

ro,  where  he  displayed  much  activity  and  attracted 
some  attention.  On  the  jth  of  November  he 
fought  the  Battle  of  Belmont,  where  he  had  a 
horse  shot  under  him.  His  capture  of  Fort  Don- 
elson,  with  all  its  defenders,  on  the  I5th  of  Febru 
ary,  1862,  after  a  severe  battle  resulting  in  the  first 
real  and  substantial  triumph  of  the  war,  at  once 
gave  Grant  a  national  reputation.  For  this  bril 
liant  victory  he  was  immediately  rewarded  by  a 
commission  as  major-general  of  volunteers. 

Soon  after  the  capture  of  Donelson,  General 
Grant  was  placed  in  command  of  an  important 
expedition  up  the  Tennessee  River.  At  Pittsburg 
Landing,  while  preparing  for  an  attack  on  Corinth, 
a  part  of  his  army  was  surprised,  at  daybreak  of 
the  6th  of  April,  by  an  overwhelming  force  of 
Confederates,  and  driven  from  their  camp  with 
severe  loss.  Rallying  his  men  that  evening  under 
the  protection  of  the  gun-boats,  Grant,  having 
been  reinforced  during  the  night,  renewed  the 
battle  the  following  morning,  and,  after  an  obsti 
nate  contest,  compelled  the  enemy  to  fall  back 
upon  Corinth. 

In  July,  General  Grant  was  placed  in  command 
of  the  Department  of  West  Tennessee,  widi  his 
headquarters  at  Corinth,  which  the  Confederates 
had  evacuated  in  the  previous  May.  On  the  iQth 
of  September  he  gained  a  complete  victory  over 
the  Confederates  at  luka,  and  then  removed  his 
headuuarters  to  Jackson,  Tennessee.  Vicksburg, 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT.  525 

on  the  Mississippi,  having  been  strongly  fortified 
and  garrisoned  by  the  enemy,  the  duty  of  taking 
that  place  devolved  upon  Grant.  After  several 
attempts  against  it  from  the  north,  all  of  which 
resulted  more  or  less  disastrously,  he  finally 
moved  his  army  down  the  west  bank  of  the  river, 
and,  crossing  to  the  east  side,  at  a  point  below  the 
city,  began,  on  the  i8th  of  May,  1863,  a  formal 
siege,  which  lasted  until  the  4th  of  the  ensuing 
July,  when  the  place  was  surrendered,  with  nearly 
thirty  thousand  prisoners  and  an  immense  amount 
of  military  stores. 

Grant's  capture  of  Vicksburg,  the  result  of  that 
tenacity  of  purpose  which  is  a  marked  trait  in  his 
character,  was  hailed  with  unbounded  delight  by 
the  whole  country.  He  was  immediately  commis 
sioned  a  major-general  in  the  regular  army,  and 
placed  in  command  of  the  entire  military  Division 
of  the  Mississippi.  Congress  also,  meeting  in 
December,  ordered  a  gold  medal  to  be  struck  for 
him,  and  passed  resolutions  of  thanks  to  him  and 
his  army.  Still  further,  a  bill  reviving  the  grade 
of  lieutenant-general  was  passed,  and,  on  the  ist 
of  March,  1864,  Grant  was  appointed  by  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  to  the  position  thus  created. 

Having  now  been  placed  at  the  head  of  an 
army  of  seven  hundred  thousand  men,  Grant, 
announcing  that  his  headquarters  would  be  in  the 
field,  "at  once  planned  two  movements,  to  be  di 
rected  simultaneously  against  vital  points  of  the 


5  2  6  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

Confederacy."  One  of  these,  with  Richmond  foi 
its  point  of  attack,  he  commanded  in  person  ;  the 
other,  against  Atlanta,  in  Georgia,  was  headed  by 
General  Sherman. 

On  the  3d  of  May,  Grant  began  the  movement 
against  Richmond,  crossing  the  Rapidan,  and 
pushing  determinedly  into  the  "  Wilderness," 
where,  met  by  Lee,  a  bloody  battle  was  fought, 
foiling  his  first  attempt  to  place  himself  between 
the  Confederate  Army  and  their  threatened  capi 
tal.  Advancing  by  the  left  flank,  he  was  again 
confronted  by  Lee  at  Spottsylvania,  and  com 
pelled  to  make  another  flank  movement,  resulting 
in  his  again  being  brought  to  a  stand  by  his  wary 
antagonist.  Declaring  his  determination  "  to 
fight  it  out  on  this  line  if  it  took  him  all  summer," 
Grant  still  pushed  on  by  a  series  of  flank  move 
ments,  each  culminating  in  a  sanguinary  battle, 
in  which  his  losses  were  fearful,  and  finally,  pass 
ing  Richmond  on  the  east,  crossed  the  James, 
and  laid  siege  to  the  city  of  Petersburg,  the  cap 
ture  of  which  now  became  the  great  problem  of 
the  war. 

Grant  crossed  the   James  on  the  I5th  of  June, 

1864.  It  was   not  until  the   beginning  of  April, 

1865,  after  a  series  of  desperate  assaults,  coming 
to  a  crisis    in  the  battle  of  Five   Forks,  in   which 
Grant  gained  a  crowning   triumph,  that    Peters 
burg  finally  succumbed.     The  fall   of  Petersburg 
compelled    Lee   to  evacuate  Richmond  with    the 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT.  537 

meagre  remnant  of  his  army.  He  retreated 
westward  toward  Danville,  followed  closely  by 
Grant.  At  the  same  time  Sherman,  who  had  met 
with  almost  unparalleled  success  in  his  part  of  the 
concerted  movement,  was  marching  triumphantly 
through  Alabama  and  Georgia  to  the  sea-coast, 
along  which  he  swept  northward,  and  was  threat 
ening  Lee  from  another  quarter,  so  that,  placed 
between  two  large  armies,  both  flushed  with  vic 
tory,  no  other  resource  was  left  him  than  to  sur 
render  the  thin  remnant  of  his  force.  This  he 
did,  to  Grant,  at  Appomattox  Court-House,  on  the 
9th  of  April,  1865,  and  the  "Great  Rebellion  "  was 
thus  virtually  brought  to  a  close. 

On  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  Grant  made 
Washington  his  headquarters,  and  was,  in  July, 
1866,  commissioned  General  of  the  United  States 
Army — a  rank  which  had  been  specially  created 
to  do  him  honor.  In  August,  1867,  he  for  awhile 
acted  as  Secretary  of  War  ad  interim  under 
President  Johnson;  but,  notwithstanding  the  lat- 
ter's  earnest  request  to  the  contrary,  he,  when  the 
Senate  refused  to  sanction  Stanton's  removal, 
restored  the  position  to  that  gentleman,  from 
whom  it  had  been  taken. 

In  the  Republican  National  Convention,  held  at 
Chicago,  on  the  2istof  May,  1868,  General  Grant 
was  on  the  first  ballot  unanimously  nominated  as 
the  candidate  of  that  party  for  the  Presidency, 
His  Democratic  competitor  was  Horatio  Sey- 


cog  OUR-  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

%/-'•' 

mour,  of  New  York.  The  election  resulted  in 
Grant  receiving  two  hundred  and  fourteen  out  of 
two  hundred  and  ninety-four  electoral  votes.  He 
was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March,  1869. 
Though  brought  into  conflict  with  some  of  the 
prominent  men  of  his  party  by  his  determined 
effort  to  bring  about  the  annexation  of  San  Do 
mingo  to  the  United  States,  President  Grant's 
first  official  term  gave  satisfaction  to  the  mass  of 
his  Republican  adherents.  During  the  first  six 
months  of  his  term  the  public  debt  was  reduced 
some  fifty  millions  of  dollars,  order  and  prosper 
ity  were  rapidly  restored  throughout  the  Southern 
States,  and  the  hatred  and  animosities  of  the  war 
were  greatly  softened,  though  Grant's  firmness  in 
many  instances  had  begotten  severe  opposition. 

In  their  National  Convention  at  Philadelphia, 
on  the  5th  of  June,  1872,  he  was  nominated  by 
acclamation  for  a  second  term.  His  opponent  in 
this  contest  was  Horace  Greeley,  who  was  sup 
ported  by  both  the  Democrats  and  the  so-called 
Liberal  Republicans.  The  election  resulted  in 
the  success  of  General  Grant,  who  received  two 
hundred  and  sixty-eight  out  of  the  three  hundred 
and  forty-eight  electoral  votes  cast.  He  was  in 
augurated  a  second  time  on  the  4th  of  March, 

1873. 

Grant's    second    term    was    one  of  imprcving 

prospects,  though  the  transitions  from  the   exces 
sive  inflations  attendant  on  the  war  to  the  solid 


UL  YSSE?  3.  GRANT.  c2g 

business  basis  of  peace  made  financial  affairs  un 
steady  and  led  to  the  famous  panic  of  '73.  But 
prosperity  returned  gradually  and  on  a  more  solid 
basis,  and  the  great  Centennial  Exposition  of  1876, 
at  Philadelphia,  was  a  fitting  crown  upon  the  final 
year  of  Grant's  eight  years  of  Presidential  work 
and  honor.  In  his  last  message  to  Congress 
he  urged  compulsory  common-school  education 
where  other  means  of  education  are  not  provided; 
the  exclusion  of  all  sectarianism  from  public 
schools;  the  prohibition  of  voting,  after  1890,  to 
all  persons  unable  to  read  and  write;  the  perma 
nent  separation  of  Church  and  State;  entire  reli 
gious  freedom  for  all  sects,  and  legislation  to 
speedily  secure  a  return  to  sound  currency. 

General  Grant  was  strongly  urged  to  accept 
the  nomination  for  a  third  term,  but  declined  the 
honor  and  retired  to  private  life,  March  4th,  1877. 
After  his  long-continued  public  service,  an  ex 
tended  trip  abroad  was  deemed  desirable  by  the 
General.  Arrangements  were  matured  accord 
ingly,  and  on  May  1 7th,  1877,  he  sailed  from  Phila 
delphia  in  the  steamer  Indiana.  His  journey  was 
prosperous  in  every  respect.  He  made  the  tour 
of  the  world  and  reached  San  Francisco  Septem 
ber  20th,  1879.  Everywhere  he  was  the  recipient 
of  the  highest  honors.  The  most  distinguished 
crowned  heads  and  military  leaders  of  all  nations 
were  proud  to  do  him  honor,  and  he  in  return  did 
many  personal  friendly  offices  which  were  most 

34 


530  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

gratefully  recognized.  He  finally  settled  in  New 
York  city,  where  fatal  sickness  overtook  him,  and 
he  died  July  23d,  1885. 


RUTHERFORD  B.  HAYES. 

RUTHERFORD  BIRCHARD  HAYES, 
the  nineteenth  incumbent  of  the  Presiden 
tial  chair,  was  born  at  Delaware,  Ohio, 
October  4th,  1822.  He  enjoyed  the  most  favorable 
surroundings  of  refinement  and  culture  in  his 
youth,  and  graduated  at  Kenyon  College  in  1842. 
In  1845,  he  graduated  from  the  Harvafd  Law 
School  and  began  practice  in  Fremont,  Ohio, 
from  which  place  he  removed  to  Cincinnati  in  1849. 
He  served  as  City  Solicitor  for  several  years, 
until  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  when  he  took 
the  field  as  major  of  the  Twenty- third  Ohio  Volun 
teers.  He  had  a  splendid  record,  rising  to  the  com 
mand  of  a  division,  being  breveted  major-general, 
and  continuing  until  June  ist,  1865,  when  he  re 
signed  his  rank  and  returned  to  Cincinnati. 

In  December,  1865,  he  entered  Congress,  to 
which  he  had  been  elected  before  he  left  the  army. 
He  was  re-elected  to  this  position,  but  resigned 
to  become  Governor  of  Ohio,  to  which  office  he 
was  three  times  chosen,  an  honor  never  before 
conferred  in  that  State.  The  prominent  issues  in 
*»is  last  campaign  for  the  Governorship  were  the 


RUTHERFORD  B.  If  A  YES. 

currency  and  the  school  questions.  So  satis 
factory  were  his  views  on  these  measures,  that  he 
received  much  favorable  mention  for  nomination 
in  the  Presidential  campaign  then  approaching. 

On  June  i6th,  1876,  the  Republican  Convention 
met  at  Cincinnati,  and  on  the  seventh  ballot 
Hayes  received  the  nomination  over  James  G. 
Blame  and  Benjamin  H.  Bristow.  Hayes  received 
three  hundred  and  eighty-four  votes,  Blaine  ^three 
hundred  and  fifty-one,  and  Bristow  twenty-one. 
The  contest  was  bitter  in  the  Convention  and  in 
the  succeeding canvass,and  its  close  was  a  disputed 
election,  the  electoral  votes  of  Florida,  South  Caro 
lina,  and  Louisiana  being  claimed  by  both  parties, 
as  was  one  electoral  vote  of  Oregon  also.  The 
contest  was  finally  referred  to  an  Electoral  Com 
mission,  which  decided  by  a  vote  of  eight  to  seven 
that  Hayes  was  elected,  and  he,  accordingly,  suc 
ceeded  General  Grant  in  the  office  on  March  4th, 
1877,  tne  inauguration  occurring  on  the  next  day, 
Monday,  March  5th.  The  great  feature  of  this 
Administration  was  the  full  resumption  of  specie 
payments,  a  success  achieved  without  jar  or  con 
fusion  of  any  kind  in  the  business  of  the  country. 

At  the  close  of  his  term,  March  4th,  1881,  Mr. 
Hayes  turned  over  the  Administration  to  his  suc 
cessor  amid  peace  and  prosperity  such  as  the  na 
tion  seldom  enjoyed,  and  returned  to  his  home  in 
Ohio,  where  he  still  lives  (July,  1884),  respected 
and  beloved  by  all  his  fellow-citizens. 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

THE  nation's  choice  for  the  twenty-fourth 
Presidential  term,  James  Abram  Garfield, 
was  born  November  i  Qth,  1 83 1 , at  Orange, 
Cuyahoga  County,  Ohio.  His  ancestors  were  early 
immigrants  of  New  England,  and  they  bore  noble 
part  in  all  the  hardships  and  sufferings  of  the  Rev 
olutionary  and  earlier  periods.  His  parents  were 
Abram  and  Eliza  Garfield,  his  father  dying  when 
James  was  but  a  child,  and  his  mother  surviving  to 
see  his  exaltation  to  the  Presidency  and  his  un 
timely  end. 

James  Garfield's  early  life  was  one  filled  with 
the  struggles  incident  to  poverty  on  the  frontier 
settlements.  On  the  farm,  on  the  canal,  and  at 
the  carpenter's  bench,  he  toiled  energetically,  read 
ing  and  studying  all  the  while,  that  he  might  fit 
himself  for  college.  He  finally  betook  himself  to 
teaching  as  a  means  of  subsistence,  and  while  so 
engaged  pressed  his  own  education  diligently.  He 
decided  to  enter  Williams  College,  Mass.,  which 
he  did,  in  June,  1854,  in  a  class  nearly  two  years 
advanced.  He  had  saved  some  money,  but  he 
worked  during  his  vacations  and  at  spare  mo 
ments,  and  so  was  enabled  to  complete  his  course, 
though  somewhat  in  debt,  graduating  August  1856. 
While  yet  a  student,  he  became  much  interested  in 
politics  and  made  some  speeches  on  his  favorite 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  533 

After  his  graduation,  he  entered  Hiram  College, 
Ohio,  as  a  teacher  of  ancient  languages  and  liter 
ature,  and  soon  after  became  its  President.  Mean 
while,  he  was  active  in  a  wide  variety  of  good 
works,  preaching,  addressing  temperance  meet 
ings,  making  political  speeches,  and  at  the  same 
time  pursuing  the  study  of  the  law.  In  1858,  he 
married  Lucretia  Rudolph,  who  had  been  a  fellow- 
student  with  him  in  his  academic  schooldays. 

As  a  logical  and  effective  political  speaker,  Gar- 
field  soon  became  prominent,  and  in  1859  was 
elected  to  the  Senate  of  his  native  State,  where  he 
immediately  took  high  rank,  although  he  still  con 
tinued  to  be  much  engaged  in  literary  and  relig 
ious  work.  In  August,  1861,  he  solemnly  consid 
ered  the  question  of  entering  the  army,  and  wrote 
his  conclusion  thus :  u  I  regard  my  life  as  given  to 
my  country.  I  am  only  anxious  to  make  as  much 
of  it  as  possible  before  the  mortgage  on  it  is  fore 
closed." 

As  a  soldier,  Garfield  was  thorough,  brave,  and 
efficient.  He  had  a  large  share  of  hard  fighting  in 
the  West  and  the  Southwest,  but  he  won  high  praise 
in  it  all,  rising  from  the  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel 
to  that  of  brigadier-general  and  chief  of  staff  to 
General  Rosecrans,  in  which  capacity  he  served 
until  the  battle  of  Chickamauga  had  been  fought, 
when  he  was  promoted  to  a  major-generalship 
for  "gallant  and  meritorious  conduct"  on  that 
bloody  field. 


534  Vl'R  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

Just  before  this  battle,  Garfield  had  been  chosen 
by  his  fellow-citizens  in  Ohio  as  their  representa 
tive  in  Congress.  To  accept  this  post  was  deemed 
his  duty  by  all  his  friends  and  advisers,  so  he  re 
signed  his  commission  on  the  5th  of  December, 
1863,  and  took  his  place  in  Congress  at  less  than 
half  the  salary  drawn  by  one  of  his  military  rank. 
In  this  new  position  he  exercised  the  same  earn 
est  conscientiousness  he  had  ever  shown.  He  was 
a  master  workman  in  every  line  of  duty  there  for 
seventeen  years,  during  which  period  he  left  the 
imprint  of  his  ability  and  patriotism  as  thoroughly 
upon  the  legislation  of  the  country  as  any  one 
man  in  public  service.  He  certainly  realized  the 
meaning  of  the  title,  "a  public  benefactor,"  as  de> 
fined  in  his  own  speech  made  on  December  loth, 
1878,  in  which  he  said:  "The  man  who  wants  to 
serve  his  country  must  put  himself  in  the  line  of 
its  leading  thought  and  that  is  the  restoration  of 

O  O  ' 

business,  trade,  commerce,  industry,  sound  polit 
ical  economy,  hard  money,  and  the  payment  of  all 
obligations,  and  the  man  who  can  add  anything  in 
the  direction  of  accomplishing  any  of  these  pur 
poses  is  a  public  benefactor." 

No  man  with  such  an  ideal  could  fail  to  at  once 
take  high  rank.  Nor  did  Garfield  fail  to  do  so. 
At  the  outset  he  was  recognized  as  a  leader,  and 
his  influence  grew  with  his  service.  He  was  at 
once  appointed  on  the  Military  Committee,  under 
^he  chairmanship  of  General  Schenck  and  the  col« 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  ~  .  „ 

leagueship  of  Farnsworth,  both  fresh  from  the 
field.  In  this  work  he  was  of  great  service — just 
as  Rosecrans  anticipated  he  would  be.  His  thor 
ough  knowledge  of  the  wants  of  the  army  was  of 
the  first  value  in  all  legislation  pertaining  to  mil 
itary  matters.  He  was  appointed  chairman  of  a 
select  committee  of  seven  appointed  to  investigate 
the  alleged  frauds  in  the  money-printing  bureau 
of  the  Treasury,  and  on  other  very  important  and 
complicated  matters  he  rendered  service  of  the 
greatest  value. 

He  did  mos't  excellent  work,  as  an  orator,  on 
many  momentous  questions,  as  the  folio  wing  partial 
list  of  his  published  Congressional  speeches  will 
show:  "  Free  Commerce  between  the  States;" 
"National  Bureau  of  Education;"  "The  Public 
Debt  and  Specie  Payments  ;"  "  Taxation  of  United 
States  Bonds  ;"  •'  Ninth  Census  ;"  "  Public  Expen 
ditures  and  Civil  Service;"  "The  Tariff;"  ''Cur 
rency  and  the  Banks ;"  "  Debate  on  the  Currency 
Bill ;"  «  On  the  McGarrahan  Claim  ;"  «  The  Right 
to  Originate  Revenue  Bills ;"  "  Public  Expendi 
tures  ;"  ''  National  Aid  to  Education  ,"  "  The  Cur 
rency  ;"  "  Revenues  and  Expenditures  ;"  "  Curren 
cy  and  the  Public  Faith ;"  "Appropriations;"  "Count 
ing  the  Electoral  Vote  ;"  "  Repeal  of  the  Resump 
tion  Law ;"  "  The  New  Scheme  of  American  Fi 
nance  ;"  "The  Tariff;"" Suspension  and  Resump 
tion  of  Specie  Payments ;"  "  Relation  of  the  Na 
tional  Government  to  Science  ;"  "  Sugar  Tariff." 


c  ^'5  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

It  was  a  surprise  to  nobody,  but  a  real  pleasure 
to  multitudes,  when  at  Chicago,  on  June  8th,  1880, 
James  A.  Garfield  received  the  nomination  for 
the  Presidency  by  three  hundred  and  ninety-nine 
votes  in  a  total  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty-five 
This  was  upon  the  thirty-sixth  ballot  of  the  nomi 
nating  Convention, but  not  until  then  had  Garfield 
been  prominently  brought  forward.  His  nomi 
nation  was  at  once  made  unanimous  in  the  Con 
vention,  and  hailed  with  joy  throughout  the  land. 
His  chief  opponent  was  the  superb  soldier,  Major- 
General  Winfield  S.  Hancock,  but  Garfield  and 
Arthur  received  two  hundred  and  fourteen  of 
three  hundred  and  sixty-nine  electoral  votes  and 
secured  the  highest  offices  in  the  gift  of  the  na* 
tion. 

Garfield  was  inaugurated  amid  general  satisfac- 

o  o 

tion  throughout  the  nation.  His  venerable  mother 
saw  her  son's  exaltation  on  that  memorable  In 
auguration  Day,  and  received  from  him,  as  the 
newly  made  President,  his  kiss  of  filial  love. 
Every  department  of  the  public  service  felt  the 
'force  of  the  new  regime,  and  prosperity  beamed 
on  every  side  until  the  fatal  Saturday,  July  2d, 
1 88 1,  when  the  assassin's  bullet  cut  short  the  era 
of  joy  and  hopefulness  which  had  just  fairly 
dawned.  After  weeks  of  patient  suffering  he 
died  at  Elberon,  N.  J.,  September  29,  iSSi. 


CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 


CHESTER   A.  ARTHUR. 

THE  exodus  from  foreign  lands  to  this  coun 
try  has  at  all  times  since  the  early  years 
of  the  present  century  been  remarkable 
for  its  steadiness — though  varying  during  the  de 
cades.     A  home  in  freedom  and  a  chance  for  a 
fortune  in  climes  where  centuries  have  not  bound 
with  iron  every  man's  position  is  always  an  incen 
tive  to  brave  spirits. 

Among  those  who  took  the  tide  in  its  flow,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  twenties,  was  a  young  Pro 
testant  Irishman  from  Ballymena,  County  Antrim, 
who  bore  the  name  of  William  Arthur.  He  was 
eighteen  years  of  age,  a  graduate  of  Belfast  Col 
lege,  and  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  intention  of 
becoming  a  Baptist  clergyman.  In  this  he  perse 
vered,  was  admitted  to  the  ministry,  took  a  degree 
of  D.D.,  and  followed  a  career  of  great  usefulness, 
which  did  not  terminate  until  he  died,  at  Newton- 
ville,  near  Albany,  October  27th,  1875.  He  was 
in  many  respects  a  remarkable  man.  He  acquired 
a  wide  fame  in  his  chosen  career,  and  entered  suc 
cessfully  the  great  competition  of  authors.  He 
published  a  work  on  Family  Names  that  is  to 
day  regarded  as  one  of  the  curiosities  of  English 
erudite  literature. 

He  married,  not  long  after  entering  the  minis 
try,  an  American,  Malvina  Stone,  who  bore  him 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

a  family  of  two  sons  and  five  daughters.  Of 
these,  Chester  Allan,  the  subject  of  this  sketch, 
was  born  at  Fairfield,  Franklin  County,  Vermont, 
October  5th,  1830.  From  his  home  studies  he 
went  to  a  wider  field  of  instruction  in  the  insti 
tutions  of  Schenectady,  in  the  grammar  school  of 
which  place  he  was  prepared  for  entering  Union 
College.  This  he  did  at  the  age  of  fifteen  (1845), 
and  took  successfully  the  regular  course,  excelling 
in  all  his  studies  and  graduating  very  high  in  the 
class  of  1848. 

On  graduating  he  entered  the  law  school  at  Ball- 
ston  Springs.  By  rigid  economy  and  hard  work,  he 
had  managed  to  save  five  hundred  dollars,  and  with 
this  in  his  pocket  he  went  to  New  York,  and  entered 
the  law  office  of  Erastus  D.  Culver,  afterward  minis 
ter  to  one  of  the  South  American  States  and  a  judge 
of  the  Civil  Court  of  Brooklyn.  Soon  after  entering 
Judge  Culver's  office,  he  was — in  1852 — admitted 
to  the  bar,  and  formed  the  firm  of  Culver,  Partsen 
&  Arthur,  which  was  dissolved  in  1837.  No  sooner 
had  he  won  his  title  to  appear  in  the  courts,  than 
he  formed  a  partnership  with  an  old  friend,  Henry 
D.  Gardner,  with  an  intention  of  practicing  in  the 
West,  and  for  three  months  these  young  gentle 
men  roamed  through  the  Western  States  in  search 
of  a  place  to  locate.  In  the  end,  not  satisfied,  they 
returned  to  New  York  and  began  practice. 

The  law  career  of  Mr.  Arthur  includes  some 
notable  cases.  One  of  his  first  cases  was  the  cele- 


CHESTER   A.   ARTHUR.  r^ 

brated  Lemmon  suit.  In  1852,  Jonathan  and  Juliet 
Lemmon,  Virginia  slaveholders,  intending  to  emi 
grate  to  Texas,  went  to  New  York  to  await  the 
sailing  of  a  steamer,  bringing  eight  slaves  with 
them.  A  writ  of  habeas  corpus  was  obtained  from 
Judge  Paine  to  test  the  question  whether  the 
provisions  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  were  in  force 
in  that  State.  Judge  Paine  rendered  a  decision 
holding  that  they  were  not,  and  ordering  the  Lem 
mon  slaves  to  be  liberated.  Henry  L.  Clinton 
was  one  of  the  counsel  for  the  slaveholders.  A 
howl  of  rage  went  up  from  the  South,  and  the 
Virginia  Legislature  authorized  the  Attorney- 
General  of  that  State  to  assist  in  taking  an  appeal. 
William  M.  Evarts  and  Chester  A.  Arthur  were 
employed  to  represent  the  people,  and  they  won 
their  case,  which  then  went  to  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States.  Charles  O'Conor  here 
espoused  the  cause  of  the  slaveholders,  but  he, 
too,  was  beaten  by  Messrs.  Evarts  and  Arthur, 
and  a  long  step  was  thus  taken  toward  the 
emancipation  of  the  black  race. 

Mr  Arthur  always  took  an  interest  in  politics 
dnd  the  political  surroundings  of  his  day.  His 
political  life  began  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  as  a 
champion  of  the  Whig  party.  He  shared,  too,  in 
the  turbulence  of  political  life  at  that  period,  and 
it  is  related  of  him  during  the  Polk-Clay  canvass 
that,  while  he  and  some  of  his  companions  were 
raising  an  ash  pole  in  honor  of  Henry  Clay,  some 


540 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


Democratic  boys  attacked  the  party  of  Whigs, 
and  young  Arthur,  who  was  the  recognized  leader 
of  the  party,  ordered  a  charge,  and,  taking  the 
front  ranks  himself,  drove  the  young  Democrats 
from  the  field  with  broken  heads  and  subdued 
spirits.  He  was  a  delegate  to  the  Saratoga  Con 
vention  that  founded  the  Republican  party  in  New 
York  State.  He  was  active  in  local  politics,  and 
he  gradually  became  one  of  the  leaders.  He 
nominated,  and  by  his  efforts  elected,  the  Hon. 
Thomas  Murphy  a  State  Senator.  When  the 
latter  resigned  the  Collectorship  of  the  Port,  in 
November,  1871,  Arthur  was  appointed  by  Presi 
dent  Grant  to  fill  the  vacancy. 

He  was  nominated  for  the  Vice-Presidency  at 
Chicago  on  the  evening  of  Tuesday,  June  loth. 
He  was  heartily  indorsed  by  the  popular  and 
electoral  vote,  and  on  the  death  of  President 
Garfield,  September  iQth,  iSSi,  he  assumed  the 
Presidential  chair.  His  Administration  was  un 
eventful,  but  was  attended  with  general  peace 
ind  prosperity.  He  died  November  i8th,  1886. 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 

ENJAMIN  HARRISON, twenty-third  Pres 
ident  of  the  United  States,  comes  of  an 
illustrious  ancestry.  Whether  the  Crom- 
wellian  Harrison  transmitted  to  our  Chief  Magis 
trate  any  of  his  sterling  qualities  or  not,  is  matter 
of  little  moment.  The  immediate  ancestors  of 
Benjamin  Harrison  were  such  as  transmit  the 
blessing  of  noble  heredity  to  their  descendants. 
The  first  of  these  of  whom  we  need  speak  was 
Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Berkley,  Virginia,  who  has 
the  immortal  inscription  attached  to  his  name — 
Signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  This 
illustrious  American  had  several  children,  of  whom 
William  Henry  Harrison  was  second  son.  Wil 
liam  Henry  Harrison  won  distinction  as  a  soldier, 
as  a  civil  officer,  and  as  a  man,  his  distinguished 
career  ending  in  his  elevation  to  the  Presidency 
of  the  United  States.  This  high  position  he  held 
but  one  month,  when  he  died,  after  having  served 
his  country  through  a  period  of  fifty  years.  His 
third  son  was  christened  John  Scott  Harrison,  a 
gentleman  of  quiet  habits,  who  represented  his 
district  twice  in  Congress,  but  declined  a  nomina 
tion  for  the  Lieutenant-Governorship  of  Ohio,  and 
retired  to  the  duties  of  his  rural  home,  where  he 
died  in  1878,  loved  by  his  neighbors  and  respected 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

by  all  who  knew  him.  His  second  son  was  the 
Benjamin  Harrison  of  our  sketch,  who  was  born 
at  North  Bend,  Ohio,  in  his  grandfather's  house, 
on  the  2Oth  day  of  August,  1833. 

Benjamin  was  brought  up  to  an  abundance  of 
hard  work  as  a  farmer's  boy  in  a  comparatively 
new  country,  but  his  toil  was  generally  inter 
spersed  with  hunting,  fishing,  and  the  ordinary 
rural  sports  of  the  time,  and  he  was  famous  as  an 
expert  shot  with  the  rifle.  He  attended  an  old- 
fashioned  country  school  as  opportunity  offered 
until  1847,  when,  with  his  elder  brother,  he  was 
sent  to  school  near  Cincinnati,  in  what  became 
known  as  Farmer's  College.  Here  he  spent  two 
years,  applying  himself  to  Latin.  Greek,  mathe 
matics,  and  the  usual  academic  studies.  He  next 
entered  Miami  University  at  Oxford,  Ohio.  After 
his  graduation  from  this  institution,  he  decided  to 
study  law,  and  entered,  as  a  student,  the  office  of 
Stover  &  Gwynne,  one  of  the  notable  law  firms 
of  Cincinnati.  aWhile  thus  engaged,  he  lived-at 
the  house  of  his  sister,  Mrs.  Eaton,  whose  hus 
band  was  a  physician  in  active  practice.  Before 
he  had  quite  finished  his  legal  course,  he  returned 
to  Oxford,  where,  in  his  college  days,  he  had  be 
come  engaged  to  Miss  Caroline  W.  Scott,  daugh 
ter  of  Dr.  John  W.  Scott,  president  of  an  acad 
emy  for  young  ladies  at  that  place.  The  youthful 
couple  were  married  on  the  2Oth  of  October,  1853  ; 
soon  after  which,  with  his  wife,  the  young  bride- 


BENJA  J/AV  HA  RRISON  r  *  <, 

groom  returned  to  his  father's  place  below  Cin 
cinnati,  where  he  continued  his  studies,  going  up 
frequently  to  the  office  for  examination.  While 
thus  occupied  he  was  on  the  lookout  for  a  loca 
tion.  His  father's  farm  touched  the  boundary 
line  of  Indiana,  which  State  became  as  familiar  to 
him  as  his  native  Ohio,  and  he  finally  resolved  to 
establish  himself  in  Indianapolis,  whither,  having 
passed  his  period  of  probation,  he  betook  himself 
in  March,  1854. 

At  that  time  the  young  lawyer  was  small  of 
stature,  slender  in  form,  and  what  might  be  called 
a  blonde.  His  eyes  were  gray,  tinged  with  blue; 
his  hair  light,  while  he  dressed  plainly,  paying  lit 
tle  attention  to  the  canons  of  fashion.  He  was 
modest  in  manner,  even  diffident ;  but  he  had  a 
pleasant  voice  and  look,  and  did  not  lack  for 
words  to  express  himself.  On  the  whole  his  ap 
pearance  and  non-assertive  manner  were  not  cal 
culated  to  advance  him  rapidly  in  a  profession 
which  demands  a  fair  measure  of  self-assurance. 

But  he  won  his  way,  and  in  the  fall  of  1854  set 
up  housekeeping  on  the  south  side  of  Vermont 
street,  east  of  New  Jersey  street.  The  residence 
was  very  modest,  in  accordance  with  the  renter's 
income.  It  was  a  structure  of  one  story,  with 
three  apartments,  of  which  the  front  was  used  as  a 
bed-room,  the  next  as  kitchen  and  dining-room. 
There  was  also  a  shed-kitchen  attached.  Some 
times  they  had  a  "  help,"  though,  as  a  rule,  Mrs. 


CAA  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

Harrison  did  the  cooking-,  and  was  herself  the 
housekeeper.  He  assisted  her  all  he  could. 
Not  (infrequently  he  sawed  the  wood  she  required  ; 
his  last  duty  before  going  to  the  office  at  morning 
and  noon  was  to  fill  the  wood-box  and  buckets. 
Abroad  and  at  home  he  was  void  of  affectation  or 
pretense.  He  struggled  vigorously  against  get 
ting  in  debt  and  succeeded.  Referring  to  that 
period,  he  laughs,  and  says,  "  They  were  close 
times,  I  tell  you.  A  five  dollar  bill  was  an  event. 
There  was  one  ^ood  friend  through  it  all — Robert 

c>  o 

Browning,  the  druggist.  I  shall  always  recollect 
him  with  gratitude.  He  believed  in  me.  When 
things  were  particularly  tight  I  could  go  into  his 
store  and  borrow  five  dollars  from  the  drawer.  A 
ticket  in  its  place  was  all  that  was  required.  Such 
friends  make  life  worth  living." 

When  the  gloom  of  the  civil  war  began  to 
darken,  Mr.  Harrison  felt  that  duty  called  him, 
and  raising  a  company  in  his  own  city  he  was  soon 
in  camp.  His  first  commission  was  as  Second 
Lieutenant,  but  when  the  regiment  was  full  he 
was  made  its  Colonel,  his  command  being  the 
Seventieth  Indiana.  The  regiment  found  hard 
service  along  the  western  rivers,  and  finally  in  the 
advance  on  Atlanta,  in  all  of  which  Colonel  Harri 
son  distinguished  himself  for  bravery  and  fidelity. 
He  could  always  be  depended  upon  to  do  the 
duty  assigned  him,  and  could  be  trusted  in  any 
emergency.  His  soldiers  came  to  feel  toward  him 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  c  ,  * 

a  oving  confidence  that  found  expression  in  the 
title,  "Little  Ben,"  the  sobriquet  by  which  they 
still  know  him.  Colonel  Harrison  showed  con 
spicuous  skill  and  bravery  at  Resaca,  New  Hope 
Church,  Gilga  Church,  Kenesaw,  Peach  Tree 
Creek,  Nashville,  and  in  many  minor  battles.  At 
Peach  Tree  Creek  his  corps  commander,  General 
Hooker,  saluted  him  with  this  bluff  commendation, 
."  By  God,  I'll  make  you  a  Brigadier-General  for 
this  fight."  After  the  capture  of  Savannah,  Harri 
son  was  ordered  to  join  Sherman,  which  he  did, 
arid  resumed  command  of  his  old  brigade  in  the 
Third  Division  of  the  Twentieth  Army  Corps, 
with  which  he  marched,  via  Richmond,  to  Wash 
ington  for  the  Grand  Review. 

General  Harrison  began  his  political  career  as 
a  stump  speaker  under  circumstances  that  were 
not  very  exciting.  His  first  essay  was  in  nowise 
distinguishable  from  the  first  essays  of  young  men 
generally.  In  1855  his  law  partner,  Mr.  William 
Wallace,  became  a  candidate  for  clerk  of  Marion 
County  and  he  took  to  the  stump  to  help  him. 
The  first  meeting  he  addressed  was  at  Acton, 
on  the  line  of  the  road  from  Cincinnati 
to  Indianapolis.  The  depot  building,  with  the 
narrow  platform,  was  made  available  for  the 
purpose.  He  stood  on  the  railroad  track  be 
tween  the  rails,  while  his  audience — 15  to  20 
persons  in  all — occupied  the  platform.  In  1856 
the  Fremont  campaign  came  on.  There  was 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

much  political  excitement.  The  election  of  a 
President  of  the  United  States  furnished  a 
broader  theme  to  an  ambitious  speaker  than  the 
election  of  a  county  clerk.  The  news  having 
reached  Indianapolis  of  the  nomination  of  the  great 
"  Pathfinder,"  the  Republicans  turned  out  spon 
taneously  to  ratify  it.  There  was  no  programme 
for  the  affair.  The  speakers  were  such  as  could 
be  reached  upon  the  spur  of  the  moment,  and 
Harrison  was  one  of  those  impressed  into  service 
for  the  occasion.  He  was  in  his  law  office  at 
night  after  supper,  doing  some  work,  when  W. 
W.  Roberts,  a  druggist  of  the  city,  and  some 
other  gentlemen,  came  in  and  said  that  they  were 
having  a  ratification  meeting  at  the  old  Bee  Hive 

o  o 

corner,  and  that  he  must  come  and  make  a 
speech.  He  said  he  would  not  go  ;  he  did  not 
know  what  to  say,  it  was  all  so  sudden.  But 
they  insisted,  and  finally  picked  him  up — he  was 
not  very  heavy  in  those  days — put  their  arms 
about  him,  and  bore  him  down-stairs,  and  kept 
on  with  him,  his  feet  never  touching  the  ground, 
until  they  put  him  on  a  store  box  that  had  been 
rolled  out  into  the  street  at  the  corner.  Upon 
readjusting  himself  after  the  unceremonious  shak 
ing  up,  he  found  himself  surrounded  by  a  crowd 
of  300  or  400  people.  There  was  no  way  out  of 
the  affair  but  to  speak  ;  accepting  the  situation, 
he  proceeded  and  did  his  best.  That  the  speech 
was  a  success,  and  brought  him  reputation  and 


BENJAMIN  HA  RRISON. 

friends,  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  in  the 
same  campaign  he  was  first  in  demand  in  the 
school-houses  through  the  country.  Indeed,  as  a 
speaker,  he  was  from  that  time  a  general  fa 
vorite. 

In  1860  he  was  nominated  for  Recorder  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  This  opened  to  him  a  broader 
field  of  oratory,  and  he  entered  upon  a  canvass 
of  the  State.  He  took  part  in  the  Lincoln  elec 
tion  canvass  of  1864,  and  in  the  Grant  campaigns 
of  1868  and  1872  he  traveled  all  over  the  State, 
addressing-  larcre  audiences.  The  election  of 

o  o 

1876  was  inaugurated  in  Indiana  under  peculiar 
circumstances.  Many  influential  Republicans  in 
the  State  insisted  personally  and  by  letter  that 
General  Harrison  should  allow  his  name  to  go 
on  the  ticket  for  Governor  ;  but  to  all  such  over 
tures  he  gave  one  answer,  positively  declining  the 
honor.  The  Hon.  Godlove  S.  Orth  was  nomi 
nated,  but  some  opposition  having  developed, 
that  gentleman  withdrew  from  the  race  pending 
the  canvass,  leaving  the  Republican  ticket  with 
out  a  head. 

General  Harrison,  supposing  the  matter  set 
tled,  had  gone  away  for  a  rest.  He  betook 
himself  to  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Superior, 
where,  beyond  the  reach  of  mail  or  telegraphic 
communication,  he  engaged  in  the  pleasanter  oc 
cupation  of  fishing  for  trout.  He  knew  nothing 
of  what  was  going  on  in  politics  at  home  until, 


548  OUR  DORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

on  his  return,  he  reached  Mackinaw.  There,  in 
a  Chicago  paper  several  days  old,  he  read  of  Mr. 
Orth's  withdrawal.  Upon  getting  to  Fort  Wayne 
he  was  apprised  by  telegraph  that  the  Central 
Committee  had  substituted  him  in  Mr.  Orth's 
place.  Altogether,  seeing  no  way  to  refuse  the 
solicitation  of  the  party,  he  acceded  to  it.  The 
result  of  the  election  was  unfavorable  to  him,  but 
he  ran  very  handsomely  ahead  of  the  rest  of  his 
ticket.  Two  years  later  he  was  called  upon  to 
preside  over  the  State  Convention,  and  in  1880 
we  find  him  in  the  National  Convention  at  Chi 
cago,  chairman  of  the  delegation  from  Indiana. 
In  1884  he  again  represented  the  State  as  dele- 
gate-at-large,  and  was  discussed  in  connection 
with  the  nomination  for  the  first  place  on  the  Na 
tional  ticket.  He  participated  actively  in  the 
campaign  of  1880,  and,  when  the  election  was 
over,  became  a  candidate  for  the  United  States 
Senate,  and  was  unanimously  chosen.  He  filled 
this  exalted  position  with  credit  for  the  six  years 
of  his  term,  and  then,  with  the  respect  of  his 
political  enemies,  and  the  unabated  confidence  of 
his  party,  he  retired  to  his  law  office  and  engaged 
once  more  in  his  profession.  While  there  he  was 
called  to  the  higher  honor  of  the  Presidency,  re 
ceiving,  upon  the  eighth  ballot  of  the  National  Con 
vention,  544  votes  out  of  a  total  of  820,  the  nomina 
tion  then  being  made  unanimous  with  great  enthusi 
asm.  During  the  campaign  he  conducted  himself 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 

with  unerring  wisdom,  winning  commendation  and 
support  every  day,  and  at  the  National  election  re- 
cgiving  233  electoral  votes  out  of  a  total  of  401.  Pre 
sident  Harrison  was  inaugurated  March  4th,  1889. 
This  day  has  become  notorious  for  the  drenching 
rain  that  fell  from  morning  till  night,  in  which, 
with  an  enthusiasm  that  many  waters  could  not 
drown,  a  soaked  and  steaming  mass  of  humanity 
waited  hours  to  witness  the  inauguration  ceremo- 

o 

nies.  General  Harrison  was  urged  by  some  cau 
tious  people,  who  remembered  the  fate  of  his 
grandfather,  to  hold  the  inaugural  ceremonies 
within  the  Capitol,  but  he  refused  to  disappoint 
the  waiting  multitude  without,  declaring  that  he 
could  stand  the  storm  as  well  as  they.  Nearly 
20,000  persons  marched  in  the  escorting  proces 
sion,  which  probably  was  not  half  as  many  as 
would  have  participated  but  for  the  storm. 

It  was  a  scene  unparalleled  in  the  history  of 
inaugurations  of  Presidents  that  burst  upon  the 
eye  of  General  Harrison  when  he  emerged  from 
the  ponderous  bronze  doors  at  the  eastern  en 
trance  of  the  Capitol.  Before  him  stretched  ten 
thousand  square  feet  of  platform,  covered  with 
rows  of  soaked  chairs,  and  running  with  little 
streams  of  water.  The  great  plaza  on  which  this 
platform  looked  was  literally  covered  with  human 
beings,  whose  upturned  faces  formed  a  floor  of 
countenances  upon  which  the  rain  beat  pitilessly. 
They  had  stood  there  for  hours.  Beyond  was  a  vast 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

space  covered  with  umbrellas,  rising  like  black 
mushrooms.  Still  beyond  were  glimpses  of  the 
bright  but  soaked  uniforms  and  glistening  bayg- 
nets  of  the  troops,  who  waited  to  escort  the  new 
chief  of  the  Nation  to  the  Executive  mansion. 
When  the  President-elect  appeared  an  outburst 
of  cheers  greeted  him,  and  for  a  time  drowned 
every  other  sound.  After  silence  had  been  partly 
secured,  the  Chief  Justice  arose,  and,  baring  his 
abundant  white  locks  to  the  rain,  held  a  Bible  in 
his  right  hand  ready  to  administer  the  oath  of 
office.  General  Harrison  also  removed  his  hat. 
It  was  a  most  impressive  scene.  Standing  with 
uncovered  heads  in  the  midst  of  a  pelting  rain 
storm  that  drove  the  mist  in  their  faces,  the 
Chief  Justice  and  the  President-elect,  surrounded 
by  high  officers  of  State,  and  in  full  view  of  an 
immense  multitude  of  citizens  of  all  classes  of 
society,  faced  each  other,  while  the  former  read 
the  oath  of  office :  "  I  do  solemnly  swear  that  I 
will  faithfully  execute  the  office  of  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  will  to  the  best  of  my 
ability  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States/' 

General  Harrison  listened  to  the  impressive 
formula  with  uplifted  hand,  and  the  retiring  Pre 
sident,  Mr.  Cleveland,  held  the  umbrella  which 
sheltered  his  successor  while  the  oath  was  being 
taken.  A  unanimous  roar  burst  from  the  crowd 
when  they  saw  that  the  oath  was  completed  and 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  c  r  r 

that  President  Harrison  stood  before  them.  The 
newly-qualified  President  then  advanced  to  the 
Bailing,  drew  a  manuscript  from  his  overcoat 
pocket,  and  in  a  loud,  clear  tone  delivered  his 
address,  the  Sergeant-at-Arms  of  the  Senate 
endeavoring  with  an  umbrella  to  shelter  him  from 
the  pitiless  storm.  When  the  address  was  con 
cluded,  a  signal  officer  waved  a  white  flag  with  a 
red  square  in  its  centre,  when  the  boom  of  a  can 
non  announced  to  the  waiting  throngs  that  the 
inaugural  ceremony  was  ended.  Then  began  the 
main  display — the  march  and  escort  of  the  new 
President  to  his  new  home  at  the  White  House, 
where  he  from  a  grand  stand  reviewed  the  water- 
soaked  parade. 

The  unerring  wisdom  with  which  General  Har 
rison  bore  himself  through  all  the  tests  of  the 
campaign,  and  after  his  election,  did  not  forsake 
him  when  he  entered  the  duties  of  his  high  office. 
Appointing  the  ablest  statesman  in  the  Republi 
can  party — James  G.  Elaine,  his  Secretary  of 
State,  and  nominating  a  Cabinet  whose  after 
ability  demonstrated  the  wisdom  of  his  choice,  he 
entered  upon  an  administration  which  was 
notable  in  many  particulars,  several  questions  of 
absorbing  interest  and  possible  peril  arising,  all 
of  which  were  settled  advantageously  to  this 
country. 

It  was  in  its  foreign  policy  that  the  administra 
tion  of  President  Harrison  was  particularly  dis- 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

tinguished,  and,  in  the  management  of  this,  the 
firmness  and  diplomatic  skill  of  Secretary  Elaine 
were  of  the  utmost  advantage  to  his  chief.  Of 
those  foreign  questions  the  first  to  demand  atten 
tion  was  that  relating  to  the  German  usurpations 
in  the  Samoan  Islands.  The  United  States  had 
long  demanded  that  the  people  of  Samoa  should 
be  self-governed.  In  this  the  administration  was  so 
firm  that  Germany  gave  way,  and  a  tripartite 
treaty  of  protection  was  signed  by  the  United 
States,  Great  Britain,  and  Germany,  guaranteeing 
the  independence  of  the  islands. 

A  second  question  of  international  importance 
arose  from  the  murder  of  the  New  Orleans  chief 
of  police,  by  a  band  of  Italian  assassins,  and  the 
subsequent  lynching  of  the  parties  arrested  for 
this  crime.  The  Italian  government  claimed  these 
murderers  as  subjects,  demanded  reparation  and 
punishment  of  the  lynchers,  and  recalled  its  min 
ister  in  default  of  an  immediate  favorable  answer. 
President  Harrison  declined  to  be  forced  into  pre 
cipitate  action,  and  in  the  end  the  administration 
won  a  diplomatic  battle  with  Italy,  and  forced  her 
to  recede  from  the  uncalled-for  hostile  attitude 
she  had  assumed. 

A  third  question  of  international  relations  was 
that  respecting  American  rights  in  Behring  Sea. 
The  raids  of  Canadian  poachers  threatened  to 
annihilate  the  valuable  herds  of  fur-bearing  seals, 
and  Great  Britain  supported  them  in  their  opera- 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  r  r  -, 

tions.  Secretary  Elaine,  as  the  administration 
mouthpiece,  enforced  the  American  claims  so  ably 
and  resolutely  that  in  the  end  Lord  Salisbury  con 
sented  to  a  settlement  of  the  dispute  by  arbitra 
tion,  and  to  aid  the  United  States  in  prohibit 
ing-  illegal  sealing.  At  a  later  date  the  British 
government  refused  to  continue  the  protection 
clause  of  this  agreement,  and  the  United  States 
took  it  solely  in  hand,  pending  the  meeting  of  the 
commission  of  arbitration. 

A  fourth  international  question  arose  from  our 
relations  with  Chile,  beginning1  in  the  seizure  of  a 

o  o 

Chilean  vessel,  which  was  illegally  smuggling  arms 
from  a  port  of  the  United  States.  In  conse 
quence,  a  Chilean  mob,  in  the  streets  of  Valparaiso, 
assailed  a  party  of  unarmed  United  States  sailors, 
killing  some  and  wounding  others,  while  the  police 
stood  by  and  made  no  effort  to  defend  them. 
President  Harrison  demanded  reparation  and 
apology.  As  no  answer  was  given  to  this  de 
mand  the  administration  prepared  for  war,  deem 
ing  the  offense  one  which  no  self-respecting  gov 
ernment  could  overlook.  This  hostile  attitude 
quickly  brought  from  Chile  the  apology  demanded, 
whereupon  the  warlike  preparations  ceased,  the 
government  having  desired  simple  justice  only. 
Perhaps  the  most  important  event  of  an  inter 
national  character  during  the  Harrison  adminis 
tration  was  the  meeting  of  the  so-called  Pan- 
American  Congress,  an  assembly  of  delegates 


r~,  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

from  all  the  American  nations  to  consider  ques 
tions  of  interest  to  the  people  of  this  continent. 
This  meeting  had  been  originally  called,  at  Secre 
tary  Elaine's  suggestion,  during  the  Garfield  ad 
ministration  It  was  delayed  till  the  Harrison  ad 
ministration,  and  discussed  such  questions  as  inter 
national  arbitration  in  place  of  war,  an  interconti 
nental  railway,  an  American  monetary  union,  an 
international  bank,  and  commercial  reciprocity. 

On  all  these  subjects  President  Harrison  and 
Secretary  Bhine  were  in  full  sympathy,  and  they 
united  in  calling  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the 
suggestions  of  the  Assembly.  Most  of  these  sug 
gestions  have  been  favorably  considered,  that  for 
international  arbitration  being  signed  by  repre 
sentatives  of  most  of  the  nations.  Active  steps 
have  been  taken  toward  the  project  of  an  inter 
continental  railway,  while  the  proposition  for 
commercial  reciprocity  was  made  an  essential 
feature  of  the  McKinley  tariff  bill — the  most 
notable  Congressional  enactment  of  the  Harrison 
administration.  It  was  left  to  the  discretion  of 
President  Harrison  to  establish  reciprocal  free 
trade  in  most  of  the  articles  of  commercial  impor 
tance  between  the  United  States  and  the  various 
other  countries  of  America.  This  has  been  ac 
complished  with  most  of  the  American  republics, 
and  with  the  British  and  Spanish  colonies,  and  to 
a  partial  extent  with  several  European  nations. 
The  result  promises  to  be  of  great  advantage  to 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  *  *  - 

the  commerce  of  the  United  States,  which  has 
grown  very  considerably,  both  in  exports  and  im 
ports,  during  the  later  years  of  the  administration. 

Of  the  various  acts  of  Congress  passed  during 
the  term  of  President  Harrison,  perhaps  the  most 
interesting  was  the  International  Copyright/J^aw, 
which  removed  a  reproach  which  had  existed: 
against  this  country  since  its  inception — that  of 
the  piracy  of  mental  products. 

Of  other  important  events  controlled  by  the 
administration  may  be  named  the  activity  in  the 
increase  of  the  American  navy ;  postal  subsidies 
to  steamships ;  the  admission  of  certain  large 
ocean  steamers  to  American  registry  in  case 
others  of  equal  tonnage  and  power  are  built  in 
this  country;  the  suppression  of  the  "ghost- 
dance  "  Indian  outbreak,  and  the  great  progress 
made  in  inducing  the  Indians  to  accept  lands  in 
severally ;  the  adding  of  two  new  States — Wyo 
ming  and  Idaho — to  the  Union  ;  the  extension  of 
the  postal  delivery  system :  the  whole  forming  a 
valuable  record  of  progress. 

During  the  spring  of  1891,  President  Harri 
son  made  an  extensive  tour  through  the  South 
ern  and  Pacific  coast  regions  of  the  United 
States,  his  progress  being  everywhere  marked  by 
those  brief  and  happy  speeches  in  which  he  has 
proved  himself  an  adept.  This  tour  did  more  to 
acquaint  the  American  people  with  the  real  men 
tal  calibre  of  their  President  than  all  his  quiet 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 

official  deeds,  of  which  men  saw  only  the  results, 
and  whose  origin  they  were  too  much  given  to 
attribute  to  members  of  the  Cabinet. 

Since  that  date  President  Harrison  has  risen 
steadily  in  the  esteem  of  his  party,  and  has  be 
come  so  prominent  in  the  Republican  councils  as 
to  have  gained  a  re-nomination  to  the  Presidency 
in  the  National  Convention  of  1892.  At  this 
writing  the  situation  of  1888  is  restored,  with 
Grover  Cleveland  and  Benjamin  Harrison  for  the 
standard-bearers  of  the  two  great  parties,  with  the 
prospect  of  a  campaign  in  which  economical  and 
political  principles  will  far  outweigh  personalties, 
and  with  the  coming  November  election  to  de 
cide  which  of  these  two  distinguished  men  the 
American  people  wishes  to  have  as  national 
executive  during  the  ensuing  Presidential  term  of 
office. 


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